Polish Political Science Yearbook

30–39

Authors: Joanna Świątkowska

The paper aims to analyse how information warfare can be conducted in cyberspace and to look at this issue from the perspective of Central and Eastern European Countries. It argues that this form of hostile actions will be increasingly utilized in the region. The main assumption, following Alvin Toffler’s theory, is that “information” – as an increasingly important element of modern societies and as their strategic resource – also serves as a significant tool of modern conflicts. Since information is nowadays strongly related to new technologies, mainly the aspects connected to cybersecurity are analysed. The article looks closer at different aspects of cyberthreats and explains their possible consequences. It may serve as good material for further research and recommendations on countermeasures that may increase security in Europe.

63–73

Authors: Hanna Wiczanowska

The current EU migration and asylum policy crisis has been perceived to constitute one of the most serious challenges for European security. The attitude of fear and reluctance towards admission of cultural others (including: refugees, asylum seekers and the immigrants) has been particularly visible in the V4 countries. The aim of this paper is therefore to examine the grounds of such a position with reference to general European tendencies as well as specific features of attitudes of Poland and Slovakia as the representatives of V4 countries in the light of their particular economic and social situation. Due to volume limitations the author will focus mainly on the two presented States. The decision regarding choice of Poland arises from the fact that as the only V4 State it has voted in favour of the mandatory quota of relocation of 120.000 refugees. Instead Slovakia constitutes the most vivid example pro-European parties changing rhetoric for more national which is quite transparent for the V4 countries. The whole analysis has been conducted in the specific context of relocation of the symbolic division of Europe an replacement of ideological Iron Curtain with cultural Velvet Curtain which leads to the phenomenon of culturalisation.

91–101

Authors: Anna Kuleszewicz

This paper aims to explain that the stable situation of Belarus is important for Western Europe and why any fluctuations may present a challenge for European integrity and stability. Belarus, since the beginning of its independence in 1991 seems to show a great willingness to cooperate closely with Russia, claiming Western Europe and NATO as a potential enemy. In reality, the Belarusian position is much more complicated and ambiguous. Despite it’s close military cooperation with Russia, different tensions between Minsk and Moscow regularly happen and Belarusian authorities are still looking for new foreign partners and new energy suppliers (what was clearly visible in the last months of 2016 and the first period of 2017). Russia, old Belarusian partner, may actually even pose a threat for Belarus, so the country’s authorities have a hard challenge to maintain its stability. Western countries may be open for a new chapter of cooperation with Minsk but any rapid changes in Belarusian foreign preferences may result in unpredictable results and Moscow reaction that – in turn – would be very challenging for the whole European stability and security.

121–137

Authors: Michał Piechowicz

The Amsterdam Treaty has established the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Since then, it is an example of a policy-making area creating its way quickly and comprehensively. However, in this paper the main dilemma is to what extent the Schengen development has modified the framework of AFSJ and how it adapts in this policy while being an example of enhanced cooperation and differentiated integration model. Developments in this area are part of a realisation that European states need to act together to better face new challenges to peace and internal security, while ensuring respect for democracy and human rights. It is important to add, that cooperation in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice has been driven by forces different from that seen in other policy areas.

153–167

Authors: Sabina Grabowska

The paper aims to introduce the concept of constitutional liability of the President, and the institutions of the President’s constitutional liability. The author presents the liability and its relations with other types of head of state’s liabilities. The presented analysis includes all European countries.

186–198

Authors: Małgorzata Babula

Nowadays peace became scarce. Expanding conflicts, terrorist attacks and the uncertainty so common to today's times put in question the value that was won after many years of war. The Constitution is free from regulations treating directly about peace. There are only few references to it. Perhaps, peace is a luxury for which we have to fight, and neither a right that must be protected nor freedom which we can/should use. Maybe it is not supposed to be talked about the right to peace, but about some kind of a privilege. Therefore, it would be necessary to admit, that there is a mistake done already in the subject of this paper. This area seems also to be interesting especially, when moving the optics and focusing on the actions and declarations of heads of states while implementing the common political objectives that are at odds with objectives of other/opposite countries. The word war is used like a substitute for terms ‘peace, freedom and prosperity’, or even worse, like a way to it.

221–238

Authors: Michał Lubina

This article deals with public, political discourse over One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative in Poland. OBOR has recently become very popular in Poland as it encapsulates the noticeable fascination on China and on geopolitics among parts of Polish society. This article describes this phenomenon and delaminates the mainstream political discourse over OBOR into two main strands: great geopolitical and/or geoeconomic chance (pro-OBOR discourse) and security threat (anti-OBOR). The advocates of the former see the project as a great geopolitical and economic opportunity for Poland; the supporters of the latter find it a threat to Polish security and/or economic interests. This discourse echoes internal divisions within current Polish government on its China policy and can be observed against the background of China’s dynamic enter to Central and Eastern Europe, particularly to Czech Republic, Hungary and Serbia.

256–268

Authors: Bartosz Pietrzyk

Midrash, a Polish social and cultural profile magazine (published since April 1997), is a monthly journal that is a representative of the so-called ‘minor press’. The magazine is connected with the Midrash Library publishing house. Its founder was Konstanty Gebert and the current editor is Piotr Paziński. The articles of Midrash magazine give answers to such questions as: How are women described and treated in modern patriarchal Judaism culture? In what context is it possible to talk about issues connected with women and Zionism. Midrash magazine also deals with a positive interpretation and presentation of women via the multitude of interviews and articles concerning strong, talented, and determined women. Despite their hard lives these women were and are able to create successful careers and wonderful families. Their voices are an important element in discussions that refer to culture, faith, and historical heritage. The image of the woman as presented by Midrash will be confronted with the cultural recognition of the woman in the Jewish community. This article will use quantitative analysis (the linguistic method and literature studies) with help from the qualitative case study research method.

281–293

Authors: Joanna Rak

After 2008, European governments undertook austerity measures to come out of the global financial crisis. The policies were imposed to reduce the states’ debts and deficits, increase their economic competitiveness, and restore business confidence. Inevitably, the results of their implementation were socially noticeable and triggered the occurrence of new social movements which became a powerful player on a political scene. In some states, the stakeholders of anti-austerity movements used physical political violence while in the other they settled for mental. The article introduces findings of the comparative study on the relationships between patterns of culture of political violence and intrastate, regional, and colonial explaining factors. By applying statistical analysis, it tests empirically Negussay Ayele’s explanatory model of militant culture of political violence for a theory-verification purpose. As a result, it makes a contribution to the structure of explanation encompassing the particular configurations of indicators.

315–327

Authors: Robert Bartko

During the codification of the new Hungarian Criminal Code, the Hungarian Legislator passed amendment of several criminal offences. Among other criminal offences, this rethinking concerned the regulation of acts of terrorism. The number of terrorist offences relating to illegal migration has increased in the past few years in the territory of the European Union, therefore the attitude of the Member States – including Hungary, as well – has changed with reference to the statutory definition of the acts of terrorism. The connection between irregular border crossings and terrorism was recognized by the European Union. Terrorist offences have proved the vulnerability of the European Union and the democratic, rule-of-law States. Furthermore, the last few years have also clearly proved that Europe cannot cope with the influx of refugees set out for the Western Europe from various parts of the world. In this respect, illegal migration cannot be only a tool, but also a catalyst for terrorist offences. It means that case conflicts and violent affairs are caused by the migration, and the illegal entry and the integration of terrorists are supported by migratory networks at the same time. In 2015 and 2016, the European Union experienced a massive number of casualties caused by terrorist attacks. The most affected Member State was France. It had to cope with attacks which caused 148 citizens’ death and more than 350 people injured only in January and November 2015 (TE-SAT 2016, p. 5.). For the abovementioned recognition, many regulations (included but not limited to the Fundamental Law of Hungary, the Hungarian Criminal Code and the Act on Criminal Procedure) were passed in 2016 by the Hungarian legislator in order to stop illegal migration and to strengthen the fight against the new forms of terrorism. In the context of the present paper, the Act LXIX of 2016, which came into force on 17 July 2016, is of importance. Not only the General Part, but also the Special Part of the Hungarian Criminal Code was amended by the above Act. However, many new rules may be challenged from the perspective of the rule of law and the European commitments of Hungary. The aim of the paper is to describe the new regulations regarding the Hungarian statutory definition of acts of terrorism, and to analyse them within the Hungarian criminal legal frame and the abovementioned European requirements. Therefore, the characteristic of the paper will be the analytical method with the aim of creating de lege ferenda proposals for the Hungarian legislator, as well. In our paper, we are going to deal with the new European directive, as well, which will replace the Council Framework Decision 2002/475/JHA and will amend the Council Decision 2005/671/JHA from 20 April 2017.

337–340

Authors: Joanna Siekiera

The paper reports the ninth International Conference of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland Systems of Protection of Human Rights in Europe and in Australia & Oceania; Universal’s Context – Regional’s Specific – Implementations’ Conditioning which took place in Warsaw on April 24-25, 2017. It was organised on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the Rome Treaties, 25th anniversary of signing the Treaty of European Union and 30th anniversary of establishment of the Australian Human Rights Commission. Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce along with the Polish Parliamentary Association gathered academics, politicians, diplomats and lawyers to discuss human rights in Europe and Oceania.

22–31

Authors: Konrad Wyszkowski

The author offers a new approach to a phenomenon of social legends of great individuals from a philosophical point of view. He starts with a presentation of his interpretation of the concept of the Platonic tradition of a divine man and a cult or hagiography of such men in the ideal Platonic state, alongside with an explanation, inspired by Platonic authors. He collates this concept and its justification (rationalization) with today’s social and political reception of axiology, in order to present it as an epiphany of higher values. He collates it also with the results of philosophical reflection on a ductility of history, in order to show it as a prototype of something real in its historical efficiency. The author ends with summary and explanation of his proposal.

45–59

Authors: Olga Sebina

This paper provides a theoretical explanation of what causes historical issues to impact bilateral relations between two states. The case which was chosen for analysis – popularly known as the Katyń issue – involves changes in Polish foreign policy towards the Russian Federation due to the remembrance of the Katyń Massacre. The main assumptions are based on the concept of securitization and its analytical framework, particularly the societal portion, which is proposed by the Copenhagen School of security study. The process of European integration can be seen as the main causal factor leading to a complex of vertical and horizontal competition between Poland, the EU, and Russia over the construction of their historical identities with a referent object of securitization in Poland. The main conclusion of this paper suggests that significant differences in the understanding of various nations’ roles in WW2 between the EU and Russia have led to the securitization of the Polish historical image of WW2. The Polish audience considered it important to accept the historical truth. The Katyń issue in Polish–Russian relations has become a case that reflects the process which leads to securitization of disputes between historical victims and victimizers on a state–to–state level.

73–84

Authors: Magdalena Rekść

The aim of this paper is to analyse the image of Yugoslavia in the collective memories of the post–Yugoslav societies. The author of this text, basing on an assumption that every society has a great number of collective memories, highlights the fact that among the Balkan nations one can find both supporters and opponents not only of the SFRY but also of the idea of the cooperation among the Southern Slavs. Both positive and negative opinions of Yugoslavia in the collective memories are based not on the sober assessment of the historical facts but on collective emotions and historical and political myths. The anti–Yugoslav discourse in primarily based on the national mythology. The discourse of the supporters of the Yugoslav tradition one the other hand, goes back in a large extend to the transnational myths. By discussing these two types of ideas about Yugoslavia, the author of this text tries to show their impact on the current political decisions.

99–116

Authors: Joanna Marszałek–Kawa & Anna Ratke–Majewska

By undertaking discussion on the aspect of special forms of commemoration, we may obtain a lot of useful information about the remembrance policy of a given country. That is why the analysis of the issue of the sites of memory seems to be of key importance for understanding problems related to the state’s interpretation of the past from the perspective of an authoritarian regime, political transition and democracy. The aim of this paper is to address one of the elements of a broader issue, i.e. the study of the politics of memory. This element focuses on the presentation of the most significant sites of memory in two countries with the experience of authoritarianism – Chile and Georgia – emphasizing changes which took place in the sphere of commemoration from the beginning of democratic transformation to the moment of achieving full democracy. By describing these places we are showing the main directions and framework assumptions of the remembrance policies of Chile and Georgia, reflected in the form of spatial and visual objects of the “living history”.

130–144

Authors: Antonina Kozyrska

The problem of thorough and ultimate decommunisation in Ukraine got suddenly valid during Euromaidan on the turn of 2013/2014 and after its termination. It became a component of post–revolutionary reforms in the field of policy of memory. A year after Euromaidan Ukraine’s parliament adopted four “decommunisation laws” on 9 April 2015. One of them concerns the condemnation of the Communist regime and prohibition the propaganda of his symbols. The author analysed contents of the law and focused on the results of decommunisation, which included the cleansing the public space from Soviet–era legacy. Full implementation of the law was planned for the year. During this time the goal was almost fully implemented regarding the renaming of many locations and districts. The communist names of thousands streets, squares, urban districts were changed, although this process was delayed. The process of renaming of many institutions, industrial plants and press titles was very slow.

157-165

Authors: Lech Wałęsa

The exclusive interview with Mr Lech Wałęsa, the legendary leader of “Solidarity” Trade Union, the Noble Peace Prize Laureate in 1983 and the President of Poland from 1990 to 1995, on the state of democracy in Poland and Europe presents Mr Wałęsa’s perspective on challenges that contemporary political leaders have to face. It discusses four major areas: a historical consideration of Poland’s post–communist transformation, a today’s perspective on democracy in Poland, an evaluation of country’s role in the united Europe and a discussion of processes that threat democracy in Poland and Europe. In the interview, Mr Wałęsa shares his hopes and fears, and he presents main ideas for the new political times. His assessments do not focus only on the today’s state of democracy, but he also tries to consider how the democracy may look like in the future. As a result the Polish Political Science Yearbook publishes a unique conversation with the legend of the struggle against Communist dictatorships in Europe that shows Mr Wałęsa’s personal remarks on the democracy, the globalised World and modern technologies.

178-190

Authors: Agata Cebera & Aleksander Wróbel

The leading aim of this paper is to portray the constitutional institution of compensation liability for unlawful acts of public authorities in Polish law related to the development of general principle concerning democratic rule of law. Compensation for damages brought upon the citizens by civil servants constitutes a basic pillar of contemporary democratic state, because it guarantees acting by public authorities in compliances with law and deepen trustfulness. It is also said that the state of the above–mentioned institution indicates the development of democracy.

205-218

Authors: Krystyna Leszczyńska

The discussion about justification for the very existence of Senate, as it was the case in previous years, also took place prior to the 2015 parliamentary elections. Postulates for the second chamber of parliament to be abolished are the inseparable element of election campaigns in Poland. Announcements of total abolishment or change of: form, competencies or number and the election principles for members of Senate, although they found their expression in the 2015 election programs of some of the political parties, but they were never applied after elections. The single member Senate constituencies secured seats almost exclusively for candidates supported by one of the two strongest political parties, that is the Law and Justice (PiS) and the Civic Platform (PO). Even if in the result of 25 October 2015 elections four independent candidates were elected for senators, three of them used support of political parties, using a rule well proven four years earlier: there is not senator without a political party protector. The 40% support for PiS which turned into 61% of seats indicates that the election system for Senate leads to overrepresentation of election winners.

231-241

Authors: Elżbieta Kocowska-Siekierka

Over the last few years the idea of civil society in Poland have grown substantially. This increase allowed local communities to influence the legal and administrative changes leading to a gradual shift in the decision–making processes of local governments. The article presents system of public participation in spatial planning, Revitalisation Statute and Participatory Budget to show how legal changes increase possibilities of local community participating in Poland.

257-271

Authors: Anna Zasuń

The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism.

291-303

Authors: Shamkhal Abilov & Ismayil Isayev

This article seeks to study the consequences of the Nagorno–Karabakh war for Azerbaijan: thus analyzes findings on occupied territories, casualties, and damages of the war from economic, political, and social perspectives. The utmost brutality and atrocity of the overall conflict is memorized with Khojaly Massacre committed against Azerbaijani civilians on 26 February 1992. Hence, the article unveils evidences through the scrutiny of secondary data from academic sources, publications, and news materials published by international media. The particular focus of the study is concentrated on to what extend special plan was prepared deliberately for ethnic cleansing in Khojaly during the Nagorno–Karabakh war.

317-336

Authors: Ewelina Waśko-Owsiejczuk

The American strategy to combat the ‘Islamic State’ rests on four pillars. The first is to conduct systematic air campaigns against the terrorists. The second involves increasing support for forces fighting the jihadists on the ground. The third is based on the strengthening of international cooperation in counter–terrorism operations. The fourth involves the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians displaced from the territories occupied by the jihadists. This article analyzes the assumptions, tactics, the most important decisions and actions of the American administration to combat the ‘Islamic State’. It is an attempt to provide answers to the questions: why has there been a growth of extremism in the Middle East? Why is the ‘Islamic State’ a new form of terrorist threat? How does it differ from other terrorist organizations? How was the ‘Islamic State’ created? What actions have been taken by the international coalition led by the United States in the fight against the jihadists in the Middle East? Is the strategy taken up by the United States effective? Does the defeat of the ‘Islamic State’ require the involvement of US ground forces in Iraq and Syria?

353-366

Authors: Bartłomiej H. Toszek

The Welsh identity is undisputable in national (i.e. ethnic), social, cultural and even economic dimensions however it is doubtful in political sphere because vast majority of the Welsh still cannot decide if they are more Welsh or British. The ’double identity’ dilemma was visible especially during devolution referendums voting in 1979, 1997 and 2011 when non–political motives were often much more determinative then the factor of belonging to the Welsh community in political meaning. Thus, answering to the question about devolution referendum role in shaping political dimension of Welshness requires thoroughly analyse of the mentioned referendums results as an evident figures of public support for establishing legal and institutional guarantees of maintaining and developing all aspects of national identity. In the article has been contained description how the Welsh relations to the idea of self–determination (in frames of the wide internal autonomy) have changed by last 35 years. An author shows also barriers and factors fostering this process.

386-390

Authors: Sadir Surkhay Mammadov

The opinion report considers relations between international norms, Azerbaijan’s national legal system and political understandings of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict. It discusses classification of Armenian actions in a context of the international law’s development and an impact of international regulations on national criminal codes. Therefore, it presents the Azerbaijani perspective on major political aspects of the Nagorno–Karabakh War and international response to Armenian occupation of Azerbaijan’s territories. Moreover, it evaluates Armenian actions in the region with reference to the definition of genocide and international policy of its prevention. In general, the opinion report shows how the Azerbaijani society understands the conflict and how it may be classified on the basis of the Soviet law (as acts of terror has started in the late 1980s), the international law and the contemporary Criminal Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan. As a result, it is not only a report that introduces the Azerbaijan’s perspective on the issue, but it can also be recognised as an interesting source to understand how the Azerbaijani people label actions of their neighbouring nation.

399-403

Authors: Maciej Hartliński

One of the most important aspects of academic life is cooperation between researchers from different centres. Different levels of experience, approaches and paradigms enable researchers to observe the complete image of categories. The Political Leadership Section of the Polish Political Science Association has been formed during the Second Nationwide Congress of Political Science in Poznań (2012). The Association’s Board has established it on February 7, 2013. Since that day the section integrates scholars from different universities interested in issues of political leadership, it supports development of this research field in Poland, it collects published monographs, editions and papers relevant to this field and it coordinates development of teaching standards in education on political leadership. The section’s activity and its role in Polish academic community proves that this topic has become a significant aspect of social sciences in the country.