IPRI Journal

1-20

Authors: Imdad Ullah

Within the realm of pre-emptive self-defence, any recourse to the use of force remains a delicate legal undertaking. This is because such a military manoeuvre is conceived and carried out without the evidence of an armed attack that has already occurred. Instead, it is justified on the basis of understanding that such an armed attack is underway. It involves, thus, numerous pieces of practical measures- meant to prove the coming of harm. These are hostile intentions; capability to inflict harm; and actual movements of the adversary. In this context, provision of precise justifications for these prerequisites is what makes the application of pre-emption complex. Hence, the Indian pre-emptive strikes inside Pakistan to eliminate so-called ‘terrorists’ and their infrastructure becomes an important case of enquiry and analysis. This study, therefore, seeks to discuss the legal merits of India’s recourse to use of force. In terms of its theoretical orientation, it is set within the framework of positivist legal traditions. During the course of argumentation, thus, it engages both customary international law and treaty law, relevant to pre-emptive self-defence.

44-71

Authors: Muhammad Ali Baig and Syed Sabir Muhammad

Various terrorist outfits or Actors Other Than States (AOTSs) are not only functionally similar in their motivation/objectives but are also driven by strategy which includes the means, ends or tactical and operational manoeuvring. This makes terrorism an extension of military strategy. The article views terrorism through a prism of military tactics and strategy in the historical backdrop of various forms of warfare. Drawing upon comparative analysis of the striking similarities in leading strategies and tactics between military forces of nation states, it argues that AOTSs make a conscious and significant use of military strategy in the pursuit of terrorist objectives.

105-134

Authors: Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

The Indian military is continuously transforming its doctrines to fill operational gaps, create synergy and integration in its tri-services, and execute realistic conventional limited war-fighting strategies. Its Land Warfare Doctrine-2018(LWD-18) is a renewed form of previous limited war doctrines. Pakistan’s nuclear deterrence and effective conventional counter measures have confined the India’s military from any large-scale offensives. This is the reason why it is constantly looking for a gap between the nuclear and conventional capabilities of Pakistan to launch limited but intense quick and swift operations under the nuclear umbrella without invoking Pakistan’s nuclear threshold. Through in-depth primary interviews supported by secondary sources, this study finds that the new LWD-18 has put greater emphasis on the restructuring of the Indian Strike formations into small Integrated Battle Groups (IBGs) equipped with offensive elements for shallow manoeuvres in protracted, rapid and nimble warfare scenarios. The LWD-18 also focuses on force modernisation; synergy & integration; flexibility; agility and greater manoeuvrability to fill operational gaps; shorten mobilisation time; and execute limited war concepts against Pakistan. It also stresses the significance of hybrid warfare threats in modern times, Intelligence Surveillance and Reconnaissance capabilities for real-time information about the adversary and enhanced battlefield transparency for precision strikes. All these capabilities are required for any quick and swift specialised operations in the South Asian strategic milieu. Such doctrinal transformation in the Indian Army is taking place rapidly and is going to put extreme strain on Pakistan’s military to manage growing conventional asymmetries, counter hybrid nature of threats, and employ credible counter measures along with pragmatic conventional strategies backed by nuclear weapons, to ensure territorial integrity, manage internal security and deter aggression at all levels to maintain deterrence stability in South Asia.

1-29

Authors: Muhammad Waseem Qutab

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) is seized with membership applications of India and Pakistan. It is the first time in the history of the NSG that two non-State Parties to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), and nuclear armed neighbours, are simultaneously vying to become NSG members. Owing to the complexity of the issue, the NSG has chosen a cautious path to discuss ‘technical, legal and political’ aspects of their membership in the broader context of non-NPT states before considering specific applications. This article begins by tracing the evolution of the NSG and the expansion in its membership to determine if non-NPT status and NSG membership are in anyway reconcilable. Its main section, then, examines several underlying issues within these ‘critical’ aspects. It concludes that the issue of NSG membership for India and Pakistan provides a rare opportunity that can not only help universalise global nonproliferation norms but may also contribute to stability in South Asia.

56-85

Authors: Muhammad Nawaz Khan

Pakistan-Russia relations have a complex history of divergences, contradictions and ambiguities that heightened during the Cold War and subsequent era of Afghan Jihad. However, the gradual rapprochement that paved the way for institutionalised engagement started after Pakistan joined the war against terrorism. Based on secondary review of academic and online sources, this article explores how relations between the two countries evolved from estrangement to institutional engagement, with a special focus on why this relationship is significant for both. Economic, energy, defence, counterterrorism, and socio-cultural domains are the important variables that are discussed. Given existing geopolitical compulsions like Moscow‟s quest for playing a decisive role in Afghanistan‟s security calculus; Pakistan‟s pursuit for coming out of the United States‟ straitjacket and finding alternative regional partners offer the reasons, challenges and outlook in shaping prospective ties. It is argued that Pakistan-Russia ties are likely to improve in the future, especially in terms of economic, defence and counterterrorism cooperation.

111-127

Authors: Imran Syed

The Rohingya, sometimes referred to as the „most persecuted people in the world‟, in 2017, once again, faced violence in Myanmar and many have been forced into displacement across international borders. More recently, in August 2018, they were in the spotlight as they observed the „anniversary‟ of the spate of mass displacements. The violence faced by this group is of extreme proportions and has persisted over many decades. This article examines the issue of the Rohingya of Myanmar from the lens of global ethics and International Relations. The solution to this humanitarian crisis does not seem to be coming from inside the borders of the country. From outside, there exists the possibility of international intervention on humanitarian grounds. The article explores a possible framework for such an intervention by examining interests of the intervening states and those of the people of the intervened state.

147-175

Authors: Major General Syed Najeeb Ahmad

In May 2009, Pakistan faced a serious security dilemma when Taliban militants gained varying degrees of control in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial districts of Dir, Swat, Shangla, Malakand and Buner. The Government acted decisively to re-establish its writ. From May to October 2009, control of almost 6,500 square kilometers of area was regained from the Taliban. Following this kinetic phase, prolonged stabilisation efforts led to the return of normalcy. The tactful creation of political conditions by the country's leadership, despite historically problematic civil-military relations, provided the key to success. Built on trust, the "whole-of-nation‟ approach comprising the civil government, military, civil administration, political parties and the people created unity of effort and command which proved successful.