It is well known that Ottoman Empire built numerous mosques, masjids, madrasah, inn, hammam and
tekkes during its 600 years of history. Especially within the yards of masjids and tekkes, there are special
burial grounds or graveyards which are called ‘hazire’ in Turkish. It can be stated that all the historical
sites, relics, tombstones, graveyards and epitaphs are founding stones and cultural bridges of our
society, connecting the past with the future.During the Ottoman reign, land was granted to Bektashi
dervishes and dervishes of the other sects, who participated in conquests of Anatolia and Balkan
Peninsula, in order to build their tekkes. One example is the tekke at Merdivenköy – İstanbul, which
was granted by Orhan Gazi to Şahkulu Sultan and Mansur Baba who had come from Khorasan in 14th
century and participated in the battle of Pelecanum, in order to build their tekke where a mausoleumexists. This graveyard in Merdivenköy, which is known as Mansur Baba Graveyard, is one of the many
historical treasures standing against time. In this graveyard there are numerous tombstones, belonging
to both Bektashi and other dervishes, written in Turkish but with a modified form of Arabic alphabet,
which is generally referred as Ottoman writing. Thierry Zarcone reported in 1991 that there were 69
tombstones in the graveyard; but unfortunately, only 51 remain today, excluding foot-end stones. These
tombstones belong to a period of 168 years, from 1753 to 1921 (from 1166 to 1137, according to
In this study, all the tombstones were photographed; the writings were rewritten with Latin alphabet
and then simplified to modern Turkish for a better understanding. Our aim was to create awareness
and draw attention to the remaining Ottoman tombstones, surviving despite all the neglect and
mistreatment, and sharing their contents. These tombstones bear many traces from the past including
thoughts, beliefs and aspects of social life.
Dedelik”(elderly- grandfathers) institution occupies a vital place in Alevi-Bektashi tradition. “Dede” is
at the center of all social, cultural and religious life. ”Dedelik” is the main authority where the difficult
living conditions of Kizilbash Alevi Turkmen residing in the villages and where all the problems
encountered in nomadic life before the settled life were resolved. In traditional social structure, social
and individual relationships are carried out in an efficient manner by“dedeler”. All moral, social, and
religious problems in small village communities are also resolved by“dedeler. In traditional Alevi
societies, a person gains his/her identity and personality with the help of dede. It is only after an Alevi
reaches a certain age that comes in the presence of “dedeler” and participate in etiquette “cem”s, and
only after they have attended the musahiplik (musical) ceremonies they gain the real identity of an
Alevi. Furthermore, according to the standards of traditional Alevi communities, it is necessary to
arrive at the presence of the“dede”(elder- grandfather) at least once in every 6 months. According to
this belief, those who do not come to“dede”(elder- grandfather) in six months are regarded as outcast.As it is understood, an Alevi’s organic ties with the community are established by the“dede”(eldergrandfather).
In the traditional Alevi’s social organization, the”dedeler” (elderly- grandfathers) are at the
top. In this study, we examined the perspectives of the institutionalized traditional Alevi organizations
of the Turkmen Alevis, who lived in the Kangal District of Sivas where the very rich religious and
social manifestations of the Alevi culture existed, in terms of sociology of religion. We evaluated the
hierarchical structure and functions of the Dedelik institution which constitutes the backbone of
traditional Alevism organization.
The dhikr consisting of twelve services performed by the leaders of the so-called dede or baba is
called Ayin-i cem in the The Alevi-Bektashi communities. One of the main elements of the secret cem
ceremonies of the Alevis who had to live in remote places for a long time, is Semah. Semah groups are
founded on the sayings of Pîr Sultan Abdal, Shah Ismail Hatayi and Kul Himmet and performed by
specific a number of people consisting men and women called pervane/peyk in the accompany of the
zakir in the Ayin-i cem ceremonies.
The Semah groups have become a visible identity of the city Alevis by acquiring a new dimension
through the migration of the Alevis from the village to the city. The Semah groups, which was removed
from the traditional context and whose lyrics and musical elements are highlighted, started to be
performed as folk songs by TRT artists and by bards coming from the Alevi tradition in the 70’s.
The visual aspect of the Semah groups appealing to both the ear and the heart can also be considered as
a dance with a high level of aesthetics.In this study, first, the emergence of Semah groups and the place in the Alevis-Bektashi belief system
were examined from the written sources. Then, the values expressed in the Semah groups were
emphasized. Finally, this study tried to explain the place of the new situation which emerged as the
practice of Semah groups as independently from Ayin-i cem ceremonies in Turkish culture.
The Battle Tales of Hz. Ali, considered under the title of religious heroism sagas, are the examples of
the apparent Arabic-Persian and Turkish cultural interactions. Battle tales can be considered within
Arabic literature since it naraates the heroic behaviors shown by Hz. Ali during the Islamic Conquest.
At the same time; they can be classifeid under the Persian literature for its supernatural legendary and
mythological properties in some stories and the story telling styles in the battle tales comported with
the renown mythological Persian hero Rüstem and his heroisms mentioned in the Şehname. The battle
tales type, regarding its place in the Turkish culture and literature, has been a type that have been
attracting people since 13th century in Anatolia due to the righteousness, bravery, commitment to the
Messenger Hz. Muhammed and heroism of Hz. Ali. The text we based our examination is a poetic and
prosaic work that was taken from a manuscript in the National Library Written Manuscripts Collection06 Mil Yz Cönk 221. This study deals with the motives in the works named Siyer-i Nebi and Havernâme
through the motive of “Battle of Hz. Ali with the lion” and the influence of the Şehname in these works.
It is possible to say that his Hz. Ali is presented with his mythological and legendry character in these
works. While the battle scenes in the available text, not being completely accurate, are seen to be similar
to the heroisms of Hz. Ali in the Conquest of Hayber regarding their historical layers. The Battle Tales
of Hz. Ali, a common material for both our classical literature and folk culture and literature, is written
free of sectarian radicalism and in quality, that is, unifying and holistic regarding its context being built
around the excellent character of Hz. Ali who is respected by all Islamic world.
Whether Turkish population can be defined as a “ethnic minority” or “diaspora” on the basis of
how to define Turkish existence in Europe has recently been an issue of discussion. The cultural and
political position of of the Alevi community, who migrated to Germany as “guest workers” with other
Turkish migrants, in Turkish population in Germany further complicates the issue. In this article, Alevi
community living in Germany is analyzed on the basis of the diaspora concept. Although the Alevi
organizations in Germany are not homogenous, the organizational activities of Alevis strengthen the
claim that Alevis form a seperate diaspora in Germany. Furthermore, other factors enabling political
mobilization which are necessary for defining Alevis in Germany as a diaspora, are elaborated in the
article. This study does not deny the existence of Alevis as a seperate diaspora in Germany, however,
it points out that defining Alevi community as a seperate diaspora in Germany has some political and
cultural consequences. Moreover, handling the Turkish existence in Germany as a totality rather than
as fragmented diasporas is politically and culturally important to Turkish population in Germany. Therefore, instead of dividing The Turkish diasporic community into smaller different diasporas (such
as Alevi, Dersim diaspora etc.), defending and demanding the rights unitedly as a “ethnic minority” and
more importantly resisting the assimilation of Turkish people who are described as “foreign worker”,
“ immigrant worker” in receiving countries, is considered as a better option for Turkish people in
Sheikh Pir Havend had established a dervish lodge in the village of Şeyh attached to the sub-district of
Komanat in the district of Tokat probably in the second half of the twelfth century or at the beginnings
of the thirteenth century. He made over the malikâne income of three villages and one arable land
[mezra] in the sub-districts of Komanat and Kafirni in the district of Tokat to this dervish lodge. Some
documents exist in our national archives and the Religious Court Registers of Tokat on the waqf of the
dervish lodge. However, there is not enough information on the identity of Sheikh Pir Havend in the
written sources. In his book Seyahatname [The Book of Travel], Evliya Çelebi identified the dervish
lodge of Sheikh Pir Havend among the dervish lodges of the Bektashi order in Tokat. In the light of this
information, we can consider that Sheikh Pir Havend was one of the followers of Hacı Bektash Veli and
his descendants were also followers of the Bektashi order.
Arts historians have made some evaluations on the Tomb of Sheikh Pir Havend which exists in the
village of Çöreğibüyük in Tokat. In an article related to Bektashi dervish lodges and shrines in the
Seyahatname of Evliya Çelebi, a short information on the dervish lodge of Sheikh Pir Havend was
provided. Investigating this dervish lodge and the nearby tomb in every aspect will be useful for our cultural history. In addition, the article will contribute to the religious, social and cultural history of
This article provides an in-depth investigation of the dervish lodge of Sheikh Pir Havend which was an
important dervish lodge of Bektashi order in the past and the tomb of Çöreğibüyük with the help of
new documents. It was found that the dervish lodge of Sheikh Pir Havend does not have waqf revenues
at the present and that the Bektashi religious culture still exists in the village of Çöreğibüyük or Şeyh
where the dervish lodge of Sheikh Pir Havend was established.
Rashid Ali Efendi, a Bektashi poet, was first mentioned by the Ottoman Authors (Osmanlı
Müellifleri). He wrote his poems under the pseudonyms of Rashid and Kemter which were also
adopted by other poets in their poems. Using multiple pseudonyms and the adoptations of these
names by other poets led to the confusion in Rashid’s life and his literary personality.
The only identified work of Rashid is Diwan which is claimed to be a voluminous one.
Unfortunately, it could not be accessed in this study. The availbale copy of Rashid’s Diwan
includes sixteen ghazals, seven nafases (Bektashi poem), two muxammases, and two
musaddases. This work can be considered as a small diwan (diwancha) with this nature.
It is understood from Rashid’s poems, he was a poet in love with Prophet Hazrat Muhammad
and Hazrat Ali. Besides, he was a poet having a special love to Hazrat Hussain and Ahl al-Bayt.
It is also possible to find the traces of the Jafferism, Haydarism, Bektashism and Hurufism in
Rashid’s works.This study aims to understand the detection of Rashid Ali Efendi’s Diwan as a text and its
investigation from a literary perspective. For these purposes, the catalog of manuscript libraries
were searched and the copy of manuscript (Rashid’s Diwan) was obtained. The poems in that
copy and the poems are claimed to be belonging to Rashid’s poetry in the other special works
were examined with the method of comparison, analysis, sampling and explanation.
Sanjak, banner and tug are among the important symbols representing state tradition. They have
both material and spiritual functions in Anatolian lodge culture. Sanjak, banner and tug stands out as
symbolic figures in dervish narrations and ceremonies. In this line, it is seen that most of the related
customs and practices of these are projections of the theoretical and philosophical dimension of the
order structure. Sanjak, banner and tug are parts of allegoric language and they have their own unique
sūfī symbolism with these semantic possibilities. In addition, these figures add different dimensions to
the sūfī ceremonies, tradition and terminology.
This article investigates the functions of these figures from the perspective in-depth analysis of the
symbolic stories in mystic narratives. Furthermore, functions of these figures in the resolution of
symbolic practices in the rituals of the sects were examined since resolution of the allegorical language
of sanjak, banner and tug constitutes an important semantic ground for understanding sūfī thought.
This research consists of two parts. In the first part, the figures of sanjak, banner and tug were examined
in terms of their basic references and their origins. In the second part, these elements were examined interms of their functions as linguistic tools representing the mentioned elements. This study proposes
that that there is an important place in the hierarchy of these figures. It was found that these objects
were regarded as elements that systematize knowledge and values.
There are a number of methods in the Alevism-Bektashism belief, which is a sufistic
interpretation of Islam. However, the most basic worship of Alevism-Bektashism is certainly
“cemler”. “Cemlerˮ are regarded as a whole of the worship practices in which the decisions taken
against the crimes committed by the candidates are applied as a social court and the candidates
pass through the spiritual education in many ways and progress in their moral maturity. In the
middle of the place where Cemler are made, there is a square where questions or graces are
performed by coming in front of the sheikh. This square is called as “dâr square”. In front of
the Hak-Muhammad-Ali post (in the presence of the sheikh), the questions and graces are made
at this square and it is asked from “the dâr holding” spirits to account for their behaviors at
the dâr square. It is for this reason that the Alevist-Bektashis are not considered to have fully
experienced their beliefs without going through questioning-grace and dâr holding at the dâr
square. In this study, we will first look through the window of the Alevi-Bektashi mysticism to
try to explain the meanings of the concept of “dâr”. In the second part of the article, we will
evaluate the dâr varieties and the meanings they carry in the Alevism-Bektashism belief as
well as the basic concepts of the article like “dâr holding or dâr withdraw”. In the last part of
the article, we will try to present brief information about the method of the deduction from the
dâr, which is performed by the Alevi-Bektashi people after the spirits who “walk to the Hak”.
In classical Turkish literature, prose has always lagged behind the poetry and has progressed
in its shadow, albeit not completely neglected. For this reason, the classical prose has striven
to get closer to poetry by mostly remaining under its influence in terms of not only language
and style but also content and art. This, in turn, has brought more preference to elaborate
prose writing. This article discusses one of Halepli Edîb’s short stories written in elaborate
prose style. This short story, which has not been published so far, is found in three different
hand written manuscripts of Halepli Edîb’s Divan. In this article, we created a critical edition
by comparing these texts. Additioanlly, the story was analysed in detail. In addition, textual
composition, structure of the story and author’s style were examined. Homeoteleuton words,
as significant charecteristics of elaborate prose, were found in the text and shown in the table.
The story, didactic in nature, is about a man who has to borrow money over time because of his
benevolence, and who is imprisoned for not paying his debts, who is finally paid off by another
wealthy and charitable man. In the text of this short story, which is among the examples of 18th
century elaborate prose writings, the intensive use of Arabic and Persian homeoteleuton words
combined together creates a prose style which is extremely difficult to cope with.
This article investigates the subject of prayer for rain ceremonies among the Azerbaijani Turks, especially
in the Nakhchivan region. The ceremony of prayer for rain is organized to end the drought and call the
rain, which is the source of abundance. The main purpose of the article is to describe the process of
prayer for rain ceremonies and to indicate the performed practices. At the same time, thes article tries
to examine the similarities and different aspects of the rain prayer organizations among the Turkish
people and to determine whether there are cultural connections between the ceremonies. It was aimed
to base the research on the information gathered from the main sources. This article emphasizes the
holiness of the rainwater in the Nakhchivan region and provides insights about the prayer for rain
ceremonies faded into oblivion these days. This study revealed that the prayer for rain ceremonies have
existed since ancient times and these ceremonies contain millennial belief hidden inside that could
reach the present day. Moreover, the prayer for rain ceremonies held among the Turkish people has
been organized for the the same purposes, and these beliefs and practices were transferred to the
different geographical positions when immigration and displacement were carried out.