Polish Political Science Yearbook

14

Authors: Claudia Matthes

Since December 2020, the Pact of Free Cities, founded by the mayors of the Visegrád capitals, has expressed the dire wish not to be held hostage for their national governments’ disrespect for the rule of law. Being cut off from financial support out of political intentions, they lobby for direct EU support. The article explores the dynamics of this initiative, its strategies to reach out to European institutions and their resonance, as well as the meaning of the Pact’s city diplomacy from a democratic perspective. The analysis of various documents published by the Pact of Free Cities shows how it combines its efforts to promote democracy, the rule of law and sustainable policies by engaging on the EU level. The Pact developed a distinct type of urban experimentalism that established a new link between the European and the city level.

14

Authors: Inga Narbutaite Aflaki, Maarja Hallik, Kenneth Nordberg,Kadri Kangro

The reverted demographic pyramid makes youth a decreasing percentage of our increasingly ageing population, leaving youth groups with less power and chances to influence the future of public policies and services through established participation channels. There is a potential risk of losing the interests of broader, including less heard, youth groups in democratic decision-making and implementation. Research evidence shows that we need to broaden knowledge and accountability towards these groups by including them more in co-creation to secure their trust and meaningful policy impact. One major way to improve trust in the public sector is by enhancing the abilities of professionals, managers, politicians and NGOs to co-create public and individual values with youth groups for better services and solutions instead of acting and making decisions on their behalf. Also, cross-sector collaboration among institutional units or stakeholders from different sectors on a local scale is often required to enhance the value of services or local community decisions. This paper explores from a comparative perspective the local government’s readiness for enhanced democratic participation and co-creation of public services and public value with youth. Based on document studies, interviews and cross-sectoral learning dialogues between engaged researchers, public sector and NGO representatives conducted in three countries – Sweden, Finland, and Estonia – the paper illustrates the current perceptions of public professionals and managers regarding their approach to co-creation with youth and the public sector roles, readiness and perceived gaps. The paper distinguishes between the municipal ambitions of enhanced youth participation and co-creation.

21

Authors: Judit Csoba, Flórian Sipos

The paper is based on the observation of the process of reviving the forgotten culture of household economy, horticulture and livestock farming in disadvantaged rural areas and, through this, to develop a new service model for rural communities to strengthen the role of grassroots initiatives and enhancing the mechanisms of the co-operative model of local economy and democracy. Our research has shown that bottom-up models have several barriers to local governments in rural areas. The change in the political and governmental model of the last ten years has resulted in the restraint of local government autonomy and the vacancy of the role of local governments as public service providers. In this system, we can observe the strengthening of administrative dependence, the devaluation of the local elected political leadership (mayors) and the emergence of new rules of local power. In small settlements with less than 2,000 inhabitants, central state and political dependence intensified. Attempts to strengthen local communities have proved to be a major challenge in a highly centralised model of government. The present study gathers the factors that hinder the success of co-creative approaches in the local context and shows how the public service innovations organised by local governments are determined by the political and economic culture prevailing at the national level.

10

Authors: Krzysztof Goniewicz

Among current global threats, the risk of developing an emergency requires a comprehensive approach from all entities involved in crisis management. Despite the advanced technologies available to predict each threat, taking appropriate countermeasures is often impossible. Often the best solution is to prepare in advance and act efficiently after the occurrence of a given threat event. It is also crucial to implement the latest methods and solutions that allow for better preparation and response in case of an emergency. This article presents the results of the analysis of the use of modern satellite systems aimed at, among others, improving security in the event of armed conflicts and crises. This perspective is written for two reasons. Foremost is to present the potential of the existing Polish security system, which aims to reduce the risks and minimise the problems of crisis management associated with natural disasters. Secondly, to foster a discussion and create a basis for exchanging information and advances within the countries implementing similar solutions. It is especially crucial in joint actions with neighbouring countries in case of emergencies and disasters in border areas.

12

Authors: Julia Kołodziejska

The purpose of this article is to present the operational capabilities of the OSCE in regulating armed conflicts and their application in the former Eastern bloc countries. In order to show the role of the OSCE in the regulation of armed conflicts, OSCE operational capabilities have been structured in a conceptual grid including: OSCE regulatory tools – in the form of missions, field offices and field coordinators; regulatory mechanisms and emergency mechanisms applied in the light of the peaceful pathways of OSCE involvement in the regulatory process. The common feature of operation at each phase is the broadly understood maintenance of stability or achieving stability. There are armed conflicts against which the OSCE has selectively used regulatory activity, omitting certain phases of the conflict, and those against which the application of regulatory tools has not led to lasting stabilisation. The results presented in the paper confirm the correctness of considering the above theories against the background of the conflict cycle concept. Institutional and legal analysis and comparative analysis were used in this paper.

14

Authors: Lech Drab

Defence diplomacy is increasingly important in modern states’ foreign and security policies. The ever-expanding circle of issues of interest fosters the strengthening of the role and importance of defence diplomacy. Alongside the traditional areas of military cooperation based on dialogue and support, other areas of interaction serving international security are becoming more visible. Each state has a different set of instruments at its disposal, and they try to shape defence diplomacy in their own way, taking into account the specificities of their own national interests and the environments in which they operate. Despite their natural differences, there is a common understanding that defence diplomacy can enhance trust and transparency in international relations. Nevertheless, with all the similarities in states or international security organisations, it is not easy to talk about a universal model of defence diplomacy. The wide range of diplomatic instruments allows each state to select and adapt them to the specific situation and the conditions dictated by geopolitics or geo-economics in the relevant international policy areas.

16

Authors: Paweł Olbrycht

The purpose of the research was to investigate the scale of crime by foreign nationals in Switzerland in the context of the effectiveness of the assumptions of the migration policy of that state in the area of security. Materials and methods: The research uses literature sources and statistical data on the crime of foreign nationals in Switzerland and its migration policy. The author used qualitative research methods, including the query of literature and strategic documents (using the content analysis technique) and the analysis of statistical data (using the desk research technique). Results: In the context of the three analysed factors, the following trends can be observed: steadily declining crime in Switzerland; the relatively constant level of crime by foreign nationals, especially since 2018; constant, although relatively mildly growing, percentage of foreign nationals’ crime in the overall crime scale. Conclusions: In the context of the assessment of the effectiveness of the implementation of the assumptions of Switzerland’s migration policy in the area of security, it should be noted that the relatively constant level of the crime rate of foreign nationals, despite their constantly growing population, proves the optimality of these assumptions and their highly effective implementation.

16

Authors: Jarosław Wołejszo, Mariusz Feltynowski

The article presents conclusions (theses) from research in the area of crisis management systems. The first part presents the issues of system definition, crisis management, and the crisis management system. In the following part, the concept of a control and command system in crisis management is defined as a project for further discussion among scientists dealing with crisis management. The principles of coordination, synchronization and cooperation in crisis management are also discussed. The aim of the research was to define the elements (subsystems) of the control and command system in crisis management. The following question was posed as the main research problem: ‘What elements (subsystems) should form a control and command system in crisis management to ensure its efficient functioning?’ The article presents the results of the research.

22

Authors: Frans Lavdari

The COVID-19 pandemic and the conflict in Ukraine have brought to the surface problems of the modern world that the international community has not seriously addressed. These problems appear to be, on the one hand, the management of global public health and, on the other, relations between states on international trade. These situations are linked to circumstances that have altered the power relations of states over the years, challenging the centrality of the West and the already fragile power of UN institutions. This research analyses the international situation of two UN bodies: the WHO and the WTO, addressing the governance crisis on public health and international trade and trying to understand the causes of the decline in the leadership of their institutions. Adopting a thorough literature review, the findings show how faulty leadership within the UN has led to a significant increase in nationalism among emerging nations, distrust and lack of cooperation. The divergent political visions of members have radically shaken the international balance, triggering a cycle of change in the governance of global health and global trade on a new premise, that of ‘multilevel’ global governance.

8

Authors: Zbigniew Ciekanowski, Sylwia Krawczyńska, Julia Nowicka, Henryk Wyrębek

The study refers to the role of building relations between the direct supervisor and employee teams, indicating the opportunities and threats resulting from conducting selected aspects of internal communication in the so-called uniformed organisations. The authors draw attention to the roles of communication competencies and their social overtones, seeing in these elements both opportunities and threats to the involvement of employees in the performance of official tasks, as well as their readiness to deepen relations with their direct superior. The presented results of empirical research concern the organisation of the Ministry of National Defence and the State Fire Service and are only an element of a larger research project. The aim of the research process was to determine the opportunities and threats generated by aspects of organisational communication in the context of maintaining a satisfactory state of personal security of the examined institutions participating in activities in the field of defence and protection of population, property and the environment.

13

Authors: Adam Paweł Olechowski, Jarosław Wiśnicki

The article aims to identify social impact activities in the context of information operations conducted by Ukraine during the 2022 war. An analysis of the creation and spread of information threats as a result of Russia’s ongoing conflict is driven by the increasing impact of communication on global security. The content of the study highlights the impact of trends in the creation of information threats, which are the determinants of social risks. In the article, an analysis of creating information threats, including producing and reporting information in propaganda and the traditional and modern media, is of significant importance. The impact and role of mass media on awareness-raising is presented, revealing mechanisms for influencing public opinion.

15

Authors: Przemysław Maj

Political parties that operate in the public space are classified, inter alia, according to the criterion of their ideological convergence (Mair, 2010; Gallagher, Laver, Mair, 2011). If we look at the convergence through the prism of the values declared by the parties, then the adaptation of Shalom H. Schwartz’s circular model makes it possible to explain many correlations. Ideological convergence must then be considered a derivative of the rules of compliance and conflict that Schwartz described. These become the starting point, the basis for selecting further axioms and, consequently, a guideline (imperative) in constructing political agendas. The article aims to show that the mentioned rules define party agendas, and the circular model can be used for analytical purposes. The manifestos of the pirate parties selected from 11 countries were used as an example. The method applied in the article is the meta-value matrix. Adapting the Schwartz model, it should be seen as a qualitative content analysis method.

16

Authors: Marek Górka

Unrest, conflicts, and wars in various parts of the world have created huge political and business opportunities for private military companies. They can gather intelligence, provide security for rich and powerful political actors, and provide mercenaries to interest groups worldwide. Private Russian military forces with close ties to President Vladimir Putin are used in war zones and continue expanding their presence in many regions worldwide. The Wagner Group is the most famous Russian mercenary unit. It gained notoriety mainly by supporting Russian forces in the conflict in Ukraine in 2014. At that time, it also provided one of the services that the authorities in the Kremlin particularly appreciate in their actions, and that is the lack of attribution for conducting armed conflicts, thanks to which mercenaries play the role of separatist fighters. Since then, the organisation has been deployed in many countries, including Syria, Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, Sudan, and Venezuela, always to covertly support representatives of regimes favoured by Putin. Like all other mercenary units in Russia, the Wagner Group does not officially exist, because Russian law does not allow mercenary activities. The article has two main objectives: first, to present an analysis of the activities of the Wagner Group, using the currently available information; second, to prove that the concept of hybrid warfare could best explain the Kremlin’s use of Russian mercenaries.

17

Authors: Łukasz Danel

The article attempts to answer whether, and if so, to what extent, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (the so-called Brexit) impacted the British model of democracy. The starting point for the analysis is the famous classification of Arend Lijphart, who distinguished two main models of democracy – Westminster and consensus – identifying the United Kingdom as a prime example of the first of them. Using the method of institutional and legal analysis and the historical method, the author tries to prove the thesis that Brexit has shaken the foundations of the majoritarian democracy in the United Kingdom. However, the transformations of this model are not a new phenomenon, as they are part of the trend of changes occurring in this country, at least since the end of the 1990s. The article also proves the thesis that the serious political and systemic tensions to which Brexit – for very different reasons – led can be treated as temporary, as there is little indication that these tensions would permanently undermine the foundations of the Westminster model of democracy in the United Kingdom.

25

Authors: Marek Pietraś

The European Union has been recognised as an international system whose decisions and actions are conditioned by environmental determinants, which is a dynamic process of change. The article attempts to explain the EU’s decisions based on the conclusions of the European Council in 2010–2022. 93 documents containing the conclusions of the European Council adopted during that period were analysed. It was found that the determinants of EU decisions and actions function – firstly – at the international system level and, secondly, at the level of the domestic systems of the Member States. In addition, the article: 1) reconstructed the discussion in the science of international relations on behavioural determinants, 2) reconstructed the perception of determinants in the conclusions of the European Council; 3) a model for organising the analysis of the determinants of the decisions of the European Council was proposed.

26

Authors: Adam Kołodziejczyk, Beata Domańska-Szaruga

Morale is one of the most frequently recurring concepts in the media covering events from the country and the world. It is used by journalists and experts representing the scientific and military communities. The concept is also used by ordinary people commenting on the attitudes and achievements of various individuals and social entities, especially in situations of particular threats to human life and health. Since the term morale is used in different contexts and meanings, many different ways of understanding it can be noted. It can also be seen that approaches to the phenomenon of morale differ in time – interest in it decreases during peace and social stability and increases during conflicts, revolutions, or wars. For example, in the post-Cold War decade of the 1990s, known as the “end of history” or the “peace dividend” period, there was little scientific work on morale. But earlier, during the “Cold War”, such publications were numerously created in the West . From the emerging interest in the concept of morale in modern times, it appears that it is still valid and important.

12

Authors: Elżbieta Posłuszna

The paper characterises contemporary fighting anarchism from the ideological, tactical, and organisational perspectives. An analysis is carried out that examines the activities of the groups revoking insurrectionism, which today entails three ideological trends, namely social, individualistic (illegalism), and ecological. In the author’s intention, the characteristics should serve practical goals, i.e., forming a prognosis regarding the phenomenon's future and drawing possible ways to counteract its proliferation in a further perspective. Contemporary anarchism, due to its intellectual allure (liberationist individualism), broadening the scope of its goals (with the liberation of non-human beings), adopting loose organisational forms, as well as employing the leaderless resistance strategy and swarming, is a phenomenon that has significant development potential. The development of anarchism, due to ongoing socio-political processes (the collapse of the existing mechanisms of social control and political representation, globalisation, informatisation) and the widely spreading ideology of individualism will lead to, as it seems, progressive radicalism, both in ideology and used methods.

13

Authors: Jakub Grzegorz Firlus

This paper aims to determine whether the war in Ukraine will affect the scope of judicial verification of public administration in Poland. According to new legislation (the socalled Aid Act), which Polish Parliament passed shortly after February 24, 2022, the Polish municipalities (cities) are entitled to provide aid for local foreign communities, especially those within the borders of Ukraine. The basis for such aid will take the form of a proper municipal or city council resolution. The main issue concerning this form of aid is the necessity of applying Ukrainian law, at least in the context of decoding who is entitled to be a beneficiary. Against this background, it is vital to determine whether such circumstances as war and humanitarian reasons should affect the scope of judicial review. In theory, two approaches are available, formalism and judicial relativism which both are inappropriate. The author argues that the doctrine of deference, as understood by justice A. Scalia must be applied to secure both rule of law principle and the legitimacy of administrative courts in Poland. The main subject of the analysis was the content of the law, which was the starting point for analysing the views of the doctrine and jurisprudence. Due to the international nature of the issue, it was necessary to refer to the achievements of Ukrainian law.

14

Authors: Anita Adamczyk, Fuad Jomma

Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.

17

Authors: Anna Borucka, Marta Chapska, Ewa Żaboklicka, Rafał Parczewski

The COVID-19 pandemic has prompted governments to take radical measures to contain the virus and protect their citizens. These included successive restrictions on social distance, which have led to closing many enterprises in various industries and dismissing their employees. Introducing restrictions has significantly weakened many countries’ economies. Stock markets have noted sharp declines. Therefore, public protection has led to severe consequences for the labour market. Attempts at defining them have been undertaken in the body of literature. However, they focus mainly on analysing selected indicators. According to the authors, it is worth analysing the correlation between the number of deaths as the variable that best reflects the disease’s severity and selected unemployment rates. It was assumed that the number of deaths is a factor significantly distinguishing the periods before and after the pandemic. Therefore, it is possible to assess the correlation between the pandemic and the labour market condition.

21

Authors: Bogusław Jagusiak

One of the many divisions of security exposed in the literature dealing with it is the ambivalent division into positive and negative security, which sometimes, somehow combined and mutually limiting, manifest themselves in normal and real security. Starting from this distinction, I develop their descriptions based on Erich Fromm’s explanations of a healthy, sick, and normal society. Simultaneously, I argue that sick societies pursue negative security by preferring war and destruction, while healthy societies pursue positive security by preferring love, peace, and creative activity. It is a preference based on striving, in the case of a healthy society and positive security, “to be”, as Fromm states, and in the case of a sick society and negative security, “to have”, and finally, in the case of normal security, to mutually limiting “to have” and “to be”. I deepen this description by referring to the thought of Bertrand Russell, in which positive and good security is defined “as one that should be by itself”, and negative and bad “as one that should not be by itself”. On the other hand, by bolding and broadening this description, I associate positive security (based on “to be”) with the concept of “civilisation of love”, “civilization of life”, and “civilization of brotherhood”, while negative security (embedded in “to have”) with “civilisation of killing”, “civilisation of overkilling”, and “civilisation of death”, and finally, normal security (embedded on mutually limiting “to be” and “to have”) with the liberal civilisation of security and control.

22

Authors: Clifford Angell Bates, Trevor Shelley

We argue that the current understanding of politics is caught in a tug of war between “economistic” and “postmodern” views, neither of which captures the distinctiveness of political rule and consequently instills confusion among citizens and misplaced expectations from leaders. Drawing largely on Aristotle, who warned precisely against this error, we consider the logic of mastery and contrast it to paternal rule. Then we discuss the voluntary nature of economic activity to distinguish it from the involuntary nature of mastery, before turning to discuss the political proper, which is a combination or mixture of these two that nevertheless makes it qualitatively distinct. These distinctions help us to better appreciate what is a likeness between political and economic, on the one hand, and between political and paternal, on the other while realising that political rule is not exhausted by either economic or paternal alone. The paper seeks to show that political rule finds itself as an in-between condition that balances itself against despotic, mastery, and the kind of care that paternal rule points to.