Security and Defence Quarterly

1-5

Authors: Aleksandra Gasztold, Gordan Akrap

As editors, we believe that this volume traces an intellectual debate over the course of actions toward an approach to strengthening resilience and ensuring sustainable development. The presented articles may contribute to the introduction of new solutions in the face of contemporary challenges and threats. In our opinion,studies and comparative analysis are not only investments in the protection of facilities, information and communication technology (ICT) systems, resource and data protection, but also investments in human capital, including the vetting of employees’ knowledge of security.

21-32

Authors: Amelia Tomalska

The objective of this paper is to provide a view on the problem of insufficient state protection of critical infrastructure throughout the Covid-19 crisis. The paper looks at this problem with regard to the definition of critical infrastructure, its content, and also the limitations of current approaches to critical infrastructure protection. The examples relating to the Covid-19 crisis show the practices adopted and suggest possible steps forward. The research methodology implemented in this research is based on a critical analysis of the existing literature. The themes described in this paper show there is an urgent need to change current critical infrastructure protection approaches to a resilience-based modus operandi. Specifically, this paper highlights the need to shift the understanding of critical infrastructure from an object-oriented approach towards essential services/functions and to highlight its complex, socio- technical nature. It also highlights the deficiencies of current, prevention-based approaches to critical infrastructure protection such as the insufficient focus on identification and management process of vulnerabilities, especially in relation to (inter)dependencies resulting from interconnections with other systems. The gravity of the situation caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, despite its negative connotations, can be used as an opportunity to examine the real condition of protection of critical infrastructure. The pandemic suggests that there is much left to be done and because of the unpredictability of the future, we need to start acting as soon as possible.

45-62

Authors: Jakub M. Godzimirski

The main aim of this article is to examine how the issue of protecting critical infrastructure is addressed in Norway. To answer this question, the article addresses two important sub-questions – what is to be understood in the current historical and the specific Norwegian context as important elements of national critical infrastructure and what is the current understanding of risks and threats that this infrastructure should be protected against? This article is based on a detailed quantitative and qualitative examination of the official Norwegian documents and statements on questions related to various aspects of protecting critical infrastructure in Norway. In section one, structural factors that have played a major part in shaping Norwegian thinking about critical infrastructure are discussed. Section two provides a short summary of the current discussion on elements of critical infrastructure in Norway. In section three, the article discusses official Norwegian perceptions of threats and how they address questions related to critical infrastructure. The fourth section looks at the current official approach to protection of critical infrastructure in the country. The process of building the existing system for protecting critical infrastructure in Norway has been driven by both domestic and international concerns. The system should make it possible for citizens to meet their needs through access to various important societal functions, but it also needs to make it possible to address challenges that stem from the international environment.

76-87

Authors: Michał Piekarski, Karolina Wojtasik

The goal of this paper is to analyse challenges related to protecting Polish critical infrastructure (CI) against air threats, such as UAVs, as a case study in a wider discussion on protection of critical infrastructure worldwide. The Polish legal definition of critical infrastructure and laws regarding the protection of such facilities are explained in the article in order to provide context. A review of scientific literature and open-source analysis of known air attacks on CI and the capabilities of air platforms are also included, with special attention being paid to unmanned systems. The threats themselves have been divided into two groups of scenarios: peacetime threats and crisis situations that have hybrid wartime scenarios. Depending on the scenario, the different capabilities of actors must be taken into account. Peacetime air threats include the use of commercially available drones. Those devices have limited capabilities, in terms of weaponisation, due to the limited weight of their cargo and the flight range. More advanced devices, including custom–built drones and military systems, can be supplied and used by state actors. Therefore, there are different requirements regarding protection systems. In peacetime, anti-drone systems are certainly recommended due to their capabilities and safety of use for bystanders. In more dangerous scenarios, typical military systems, including Very Short-Range Air Defence, Short-Range Air Defence and Medium Range Air Defence systems have to be employed or dedicated kinetic counter-drone systems deployed.

108-122

Authors: Antoni Morawski

The purpose of this article is to examine the significance of the flood hazard for the functioning of the critical infrastructure in Poland and to suggest adequate methods and strategies for reducing the vulnerability of critical infrastructure to flooding. The main research method used is institutional and legal analysis, which shows how critical infrastructure is protected in Poland. The context of climate change is taken into account, the consequences of which may trigger increased threat, and its significance is discussed. It is also shown that river floods of a pluvial character constitute the greatest hazard in Poland, as they pose a threat to urban areas where most critical infrastructure is located. The author lists methods which can be used to protect critical infrastructure from flooding. Examples of systems are also provided. A conclusion is formed that the approach to this problem should be comprehensive and make use of methods related to flood prevention, flood defence and flood mitigation, and above all, the relocation of elements of the critical infrastructure. It is evident that the best time to reduce the susceptibility of specific systems to floods is when they are developed or modernised by taking into account the flood risk. Lastly, the biggest problem of the critical infrastructure in Poland is highlighted, namely its identification once it is already built, which means its location had not been thought through.

1-15

Authors: Ilona Urych, Grzegorz Matysiak

This article compares military and defence-oriented training, education, and socialisation in seven European countries—Sweden, Germany, France, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Poland. The comparative case study approach has been employed to identify the systemic solutions employed in the defence education of young people in those European Union countries. The criteria that have guided the analysis of defence education in each country include purpose, characteristics, duration and possible shortcomings. The results identify common content and alternative delivery patterns and establish a research agenda for further study based on gaps in policy knowledge and programme evaluation. The defence education solutions implemented in each of the countries under analysis lead to conclusions and recommendations regarding the need to create common solutions in the area of cooperation between the armed forces and the civilian population of EU countries. The experience of each country shed light not only on defence-oriented training of young people but also on the potential of various activities aimed at strengthening national security.

31-50

Authors: Rudrajit Bose

This paper seeks to understand if the political, legal and ethical imperatives of a humanitarian war justified Indian military intervention in East Pakistan. It examines the asymmetric, dynamic national power equations that shaped the Bangladesh Liberation War and the genocide that preceded the conflict. At the height of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, this conflict was a key flashpoint in South Asia. This research was undertaken through a qualitative literature review with the help of declassified archival documents and media from numerous national archives and government databases across the world. Aided by emerging insights, perspectives and research, this paper seeks to evolve, extend and expand our existing understanding of events as they unfolded within the overall matrix of this conflict. The results show that India’s ability to align its foreign policy and media narratives to its military objectives while adroitly managing big power rivalry holds lessons for how smaller states might compel strategic concessions from big powers and global institutions. This requires them to navigate both the asymmetry of national power and the asymmetry of attention during a conflict to secure their interests. In conclusion, recent times have seen an increasing trend for major global powers and alliances to declare war in the name of humanitarianism. The political and ethical imperatives of a humanitarian war in 1971 dovetailed seamlessly with larger Indian strategic goals and was one of the catalysts for the eventual unanimous adoption in 2005 of the global political commitment known as Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in the United Nations.

62-82

Authors: Donatas Palavenis

This study considers factors influencing Singapore’s defence industry (DI). Primary and secondary data were used and interpreted using both quantitative and qualitative comparative analysis. Furthermore, the basis of the Structure-Conduct-Performance (S-C-P) model has been utilised in structuring the layout of this paper. The Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) receive a considerable and stable defence budget, which is influenced by geopolitical implications, and this consistent funding has had a very positive impact on economic growth including the strengthening of Singapore’s DI. In the DI environment, close relationships between the SAF, Ministry of Defence (MINDEF), and other ministries, scientific institutions, research laboratories, and private businesses are evident. The capability of the indigenous DI to supply the SAF with the necessary equipment is increasing, although imports remain crucial especially in supplying the Air Forces. As the SAF prepare for third-generation warfare, the indigenous DI will play a major role in developing new solutions. The success of Singapore’s DI lies in the synergetic civil-military industrial and technological integration, timely diversification of factories towards the production of dual-use products, a niche production business strategy, successful defence offset strategy, and cooperation with the US. This study describes the most important factors influencing the DI’s development and shows the status of Singapore’s DI. It also points out that the strategic aims set by the Singapore government for the indigenous DI are sustained. Furthermore, Singapore’s strategy provides a clear roadmap for other small countries to develop their respective DIs.

86-93

Authors: Przemysław Gasztold, Michał Lubina

Interview with Professor Michał Lubina

4-23

Authors: Alexander Rusetsky, Olga Dorokhina, Alina Boychuk

The main goal of this study is to search for new effective mechanisms to assist in preventing the internationalisation of armed conflicts using conventional weapons and the creation of more weapons of mass destruction in the geostrategic region, the Greater Black Sea Region, which includes the countries of the “Five Seas” (Black Sea, Caspian Sea, Arabian Sea, and Mediterranean Sea), positive transformation of conflicts and the creation of a “Black Sea Security Community”. The methodological approach taken is based on the theory of meta-cognitive management, which implies a qualitative expansion of the dimensions for solving those problems that are unsolvable in the dimensions given today; a holistic approach focused on the multi-level and democratic participation of all participants in the process; and the method of geopolitical modelling being applied to discuss new forms and platforms for cooperation between those involved in confrontation in the Black Sea space. Innovation represents a return to the concept of syncretism in the scientific discourse for describing political and geopolitical tasks. The idea of creating a syncretic meta-model of Black Sea security is one way to improve cooperation between parties that have incompatible positions but are aware of common threats and the need to prevent them. Measures need to be taken for the countries of the Five Sea region to be fully integrated into the process and a new architecture created for the Black Sea Security Community. Scientific support is also necessary for the planning and implementation of peacekeeping processes in the Greater Black Sea Region.

41-54

Authors: Olevs Nikers, Otto Tabuns

The objectives of this paper are to (1) comparatively analyse defence strategies of the Baltic countries against the theory of institutionalism, focusing on factors that affect policy maintenance or change within defence cooperation and (2) assess the current state of defence cooperation in the Baltic countries. The study gives a theoretical overview, relating the theory of new institutionalism to the subject of debate over bureaucratic institutions, which also plays a role in the regional security politics of the Baltic countries. An empirical study compares the defence strategies of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania. While few studies have investigated this subject before, that the conclusion reached by this investigation is that administrative bodies in the defence sector of the Baltic countries are affected by politically driven processes pertaining to the foreign affairs domain, which play a key role in matters related to cooperation and synchronisation of the defence and security of the Baltic States. The findings suggest that a more focused analysis of the role of institutions and bureaucratic policy in the policy making of the three Baltic countries needs to take place. The study concludes that (1) the current state of defence cooperation in the Baltic countries can be called “developing”; (2) the operation of defence establishments can be called “path dependent”, which is mainly influenced by “external” factors or pressures.

70-93

Authors: Norbert Ludwig Kopp, Helge Koch-Eschweiler

This paper presents some aspects of sensor data fusion that were derived from the EU-SENSE project of the European Commission (Horizon 2020, Grant Agreement No 787031). The aim of EU-SENSE was to develop a novel network of sensors for CBRNe applications through the exploitation of chemical detector technologies, advanced machine-learning and modelling algorithms. The high-level objectives of the project include improving the detection capabilities of the novel network of chemical sensors through the use of machine learning algorithms and reducing the impact of environmental noise. The focus in this paper is on the detection and data fusion aspects as well as the machine learning approaches that were used as part of the project. Detection (in the sense of detectto-warn) is a classification task and improvement of detection requires enhancing the discriminatory power of the classifier, that is reducing false alarms, false positives, and false negatives. This was achieved by a two-step procedure, that is a sensitive distance-based anomaly/change detection followed by downstream classification, identification and concentration estimation. Bayesian networks proved to be useful when fusing information from multiple sensors. For validation purposes, experimental data was gathered during the project and the developed approaches were applied successfully. Despite the development of several new, helpful tools within the project, the domain of chemical detection remains challenging, particularly regarding provisioning of the necessary prior-knowledge. It might make sense from a coverage point of view to look into integration of stand-off detection techniques into a sensor network, including data fusion too.

103-108

Authors: Anna Maria Prędecka, Anna Bany, Krystyna Zużewicz

The aim of the study was the microbiological analysis using a luminometer of surfaces intended for food preparation in mass catering establishments. Four production stations were selected for the research (cutting and portioning cold meats, processing vegetables, processing raw meat, and the serving line). In addition, samples were taken from the hands of the meal prep staff at those workstations. The biological contamination was measured using a 3MTM Clean-TraceTM NGi mobile Luminometer with a set of 3M reagents. The hygiene status (RLU) of working surfaces and hands at different kitchen stations was compared. The values of RLU measurements taken from the surface of the hands working on the cured meat cutting and portioning station differed significantly from the values obtained from the surface of the hands working on the food serving station (p < 0.05). A similar relationship was found when comparing the RLU values for the working area of both of these stations.

7-22

Authors: Brian Martin

Military forces are sometimes called out to confront unarmed civilian protesters, a contingency for which they may or may not be prepared. Studies of civil-military relations have focused on relations between civilian and military elites, with interactions between armed forces and civilian protesters given little or no attention. The objective here is to improve understanding of military-protester dynamics. Key relevant features of nonviolent action are outlined, including methods, campaign stages and theoretical assumptions, with a particular focus on interactions with troops. The implications for military-protester dynamics are spelled out with illustrations from several protest campaigns. When troops use force against non-resistant protesters, this sometimes creates more support for the protest movement, a process called political jiu-jitsu. An important method used by some protesters is fraternisation, namely trying to win over troops to their side. Commanders and troops, through their actions, can encourage or discourage protesters’ use of nonviolent methods. Learning about military-protester dynamics is important for both strategists and practitioners.

51-66

Authors: Zsolt Bederna, Tamás Szádeczky

Computer networks are usually modelled from one aspect, e.g., the physical layer of the network, although this does not allow the researcher to understand all usage of that device. We aim to develop a model which leverages all aspects of a networked computer and, therefore, provides complete information to the scientist for all further security research, especially that related to the social sciences. Network science is about the analysis of any network, from social to protein. It is much easier to analyse computer networks with technical tools than protein networks. It is, therefore, a straightforward way to crawl the web as Albert-Laszlo Barabasi did to model its connections, nodes, and links in graph theory to analyse its internal connections. His analysis was based solely on the network layer. Our methodology uses graph theory and network science and integrates all ISO/OSI (computer networking) layers into the model. Each layer of the ISO/OSI model has its topology separately, but all of them also work as part of the complex system to operate the network. It therefore creates a multipartite graph of the network under analysis. Furthermore, the virtual private networks (VPNs) and application usage are also integrated as nodes and links. With this model, the computer network infrastructure and usage data can be used for further non-computing related research, e.g., social science research, as it includes the usage patterns of the network users.

91-105

Authors: Dimitrios G. Pantazis

This paper aims to examine how specific domestic social, political, and cultural motives impact national security agendas’ formation and implementation. The following assumptions drive this essay’s research rationale: Security-making processes are considered non-similar among states due to different domestic political processes, cultural discourses, and socialisation patterns. Therefore, national security agents are constantly being guided by various intrastate settings, which construct attitudes that are ultimately reflected upon policy formation and implementation through strategic behavioural manifestations. Thus, the realisation of national security is dependent on each state actor’s existent strategic culture, and given that, choices cannot be contemplated strictly under rationality. The methods of literature review and multi-layered analysis are applied throughout this study. In particular, this text’s reasoning is based on contextualisation, identification, categorisation of variables, and correlational implications. Concerning findings, the theoretical examination of the objects assessed provides adequate clarifications on the interaction among the domestic motives, decision-makers’ perspectives, and strategic cultural manifestations. Specifically, it was critically identified that the two last concepts may complementary function during security-making processes; hence, producing unique outcomes for each state actor. Consequently, this paper wishes to contribute by giving direction for future research and broader methodological implications on the role of intrastate socio-political and cultural motives as sources of strategic culture and determinants of national security-making attitudes; without ignoring that other factors can respectively affect the aforementioned schemes.

7-23

Authors: Yu Wang

This study examines the effect of bargaining power on the allocation of U.S. military assistance. Conceptualising U.S. military assistance as an aid-for-policy deal, it applies a two-tiered stochastic frontier model to a data sample of the post-Cold War era. It shows that the bargaining effect accounts for a huge variation in U.S. military aid distribution. The volume of U.S. military assistance in equilibrium is lower than the baseline volume by 4% at the mean and by 6% at the median. The donor U.S. extracts a slightly larger portion of the transaction surplus at these central points. However, the game of surplus division is not always about equally strong hagglers as it may first appear. In fact, the quartile values show substantial variance in bargaining performance and, hence, an outcome of surplus division across transactions. The bargaining effect is highly significant in the allocation of U.S. military assistance in the post-Cold War era. The donor U.S enjoys a bargaining advantage at the mean and median, but rich variations are noticeable.

47-61

Authors: Bogusław Jagiełło

The purpose of this article is to identify the policy orientations of Russia in the Balkans. The historical aspects of Russia's political and cultural ties with the Balkan region, Russia's policy toward the Balkans during the USSR period will be highlighted. As the Balkans are an important factor in Russia's geopolitical game to retain influence in Europe, the author analyses Russia's contemporary policy in the Balkans, its interests and the measures taken to achieve its specific goals. It can be concluded that Russian involvement in some Balkan countries is exhausting the elements of the hybrid war. Two possible models of geopolitical behavior in relation to Russia could be distinguished. The first is to continue trying to stay as far away from Russia, the second is to build effective mechanisms for socio-economic cooperation. It can be implied that Russia will not hesitate to repeat the hybrid war scenario from Ukraine in order to maintain its political influence in the region. Only the return of the EU to a consistent policy of enlargement to Balkan countries and the economic strengthening of the Member States from the Balkan region can weaken Russia's political influence in the region.

77-92

Authors: Cemil Doğaç İpek, Mehmet Çağatay Güler

This study considers Russian-Turkish relations within the context of the Syrian war. We elaborate on both Russia’s and Turkey’s strategies and their understanding of the Syrian War, and consider how the two countries have managed to stay on the same page despite conflictual strategies and geopolitical interests in Syria. The current literature does not address this question and does not thoroughly compare their actions and engagements in the field. This article aims to clarify Turkey-Russia relations in the Syria and provides evidence of how they are in conflict and cooperate at the same time. In this regard, it is argued that the available evidence indicates that Turkey-Russia relations in Syria operate on the “compartmentalisation” strategy. In order to test this argument, the qualitative research method based on secondary resources is used while the theoretical framework previously formulated by Onis and Yilmaz (2015) is adopted. They conceptualise Turkey-Russia relations as if they do “compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid the negative spillover of certain disagreements into areas of bilateral cooperation.” Furthermore, they claim that compartmentalisation can be hindered if there are deepening security concerns in an area like Syria. However, this article underscores that compartmentalisation does not only work by separating the economic issue from geopolitical rivalries; it also makes Turkey and Russia able to cooperate and conflict in a specific and fundamentally conflictual geopolitical issue such as Syria. The convergences and divergences that occurred in the Syrian field are conceptualised under the strategy of compartmentalisation. In this context, the cooperation – the signed agreements and established mechanisms, conflicts, and clashes in the field, are acknowledged as the consequences of the compartmentalisation strategy in Syria. The compartmentalisation strategy is specifically used in Syria in order to avoid the negative impacts of direct clashes in bilateral cooperation and agreements. It can therefore be concluded that the deepening divergence in security related issue does not necessarily prevent compartmentalisation; on the contrary, compartmentalisation paves the way for stabilisation of such deepening divergence.