Archiwum Kryminologii (Archives of Criminology)

7-13

Authors: Stanisław Batawia

Approaching the 30 years of the the Polish People’s Republic from the point of view of the problems, which are the subject of research work, conducted by the Department of Criminology of the Institute of the Law Sciences at the Polish Academy of Sciences, one should be well aware of the fact, that during that period there could be noticed in many capitalist countries a marked increase of delinquency, and the explanation that is as a rule given for this phenomenon is the influence of, industrialization and urbanization processes. A marked increase has also taken place as regards, serious crimes, combined with aggression and in some countries, where the degree of industrialization is especially high, the phenomenon of organized crime (organized, specialized groups of criminals) has recently adopted alarming dimensions. In addition to this there can almost everywhere be found an increase in juvenile delinquency and that of young adults. This increase takes prace also in such milieux where disturbances of the socialization process are not connected with the bringing up of children in bad material conditions. In Poland, despite the fact that during those 30 years revolutionary economic transformations have taken place and enormous socio-demographic changes, often combined with intensified migration processes, there has not been noticed an increase in crime as compared with the pre-war period, but rather a marked decrease. Worth emphasizing is above all the drop by five times of homicides, the considerable decrease in the number of brawls and severe bodily injuries. According to statistical data the number of larcencies brought before a court has decreased markedly. It has, however, to be borne in mind that part of petty theft is at present settled in work enterprises through “exerting educational influence” and some, of course, is not revealed, as is the case in all countries. Even if we assume that among economic offences, of which statictics lists only a very small number, there is an especially large dark number, it should, however, be borne in mind, that as a rule these offences of an economic nature cause in practice only small material losses. Discussing data connected with robberies, it is worth while to stress that during the prewar period they used to be of a much more serious nature. An analysis of data from 1951 does not point to an increase in offences in Poland during that long period and in particular what deserves special emphasis, there is no increase in juvenile and young adult delinquency and also no intensification of delinquency among the inhabitants of towns and cities in comparison with the rural population. Studies have revealed that the differences in the intensity of delinquency between the various areas (voivodeships) is above all due to the social results of the mass migrations of the population, which started in 1945, and not to the industrialization and urbanization processes which are taking place. The greatest intensity of delinquency can be noticed in those areas with the largest percentage of newcomers, while in the most strongly urbanized and industrialized area (Katowice) the intensity of delinquency was and continues to be below the average fon the whole of Poland. Despite the systematic growth of industrialization and urbanization processes no increase in delinquency can be noticed or the increase is not significant at all, or appears only during the stage when industrial enterprises are under construction and later decreases markedly. On the basis of experience obtained in a newly established industrial centre (Nowa Huta) one may assume that in those few regions marked by intensive industrialization, where delinquency has distinctly increased, it is going to decrease later to the average level. The example of, Nowa Huta testifies to the fact that delinquency grew only during the first period of the influx of rural population, migrating into this area, which had lost the ties with its former environment and had thus been deprived of social control. Their adaptation to new difficult conditions of existence and new types of work proceeded with the accompaniment of considerable disturbances. The above findings are of great significance in the present conditions of new socio-political system, where it is possible to control many social phenomena exerting an influence on crime. * The Departament of Criminology of the Institute of the Law Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences conducts ‒ on the basis of statistical data ‒ systematic research on the dimensions and intensity of delinquency in Poland and their socio-economic as well as demographic conditioning, a problem to which a number of publications has been devoted. An analysis of the results of these researches makes it possible to throw a light on the entire problem in a manner that markedly differs from the current opinion on the determinants of criminal offences in the new socio-political conditions. A problem to which since the beginning in 1953 of the existence of the Department of Criminology many research works have been devoted, due to its specific significance, is that of social maladjustment of children and juvenile delinquents. This subject matter goes beyond the problem of juvenile delinquency alone, since it is connected with delinquency of a considerable section of the young adult offenders and persistent recidivists, even in older age groups, where the process of social maladjustment as a rule reaches back to the time when they were under age. Research connected with juvenile delinquents took into account the population of children from the lower grades of primary school (approximately 5,500 children), so important from the point of view of prevention of crime, as well as that category of youth, so far not examined in Poland, who “do not attend school and do not work” (542 boys and girls). The results of such investigations revealed the important and as a rule underestimated role played by maladjustment in school in the etiology of social maladjustment as well as the considerable percentage of school youth with symptoms of demoralization in the younger (below 12) age groups (about 11 per cent), due to which there arose the problem of earlier diagnosis of the above-mentioned symptoms in the school, which is of particular significance for the prevention of later juvenile delinquency on the part of these children. The population of juvenile delinquents, examined in great detail, was made up of approximately 1,700 juvenile delinquents from the Warsaw area and several other towns and settlements; in two-thirds of the cases researches were conducted during a long follow-up period. Subject of research were also 250 gangs of juvenile delinquents, who had committed larcency and hooligan offences. Studies of the juvenile delinquents revealed interaction, essential from the prognostic point of view, between the early beginnings of social maladjustment and the dimensions of recidivism of a later period, jointly with the period after the age of 21. Research of this type also points to the significance for the etiology of social maladjustment and juvenile delinquency of being brought up in negative family surroundings (especially excessive drinking of alcohol in such families), and also to the significance that should be attached to the early detection of personality disonders, frenquently encountered with such minors The problems of young adults (between 17 and 20), close to that of the juvenile delinquents, socially considered just as important, has also been taken into account in the studies of the Department of Criminology, regarding the intensity and dynamics of their delinquency and analyses of the type of offences committed by them. Detailed studies concentrated on this problem, dealing with several youth populations, which have committed offences combined with aggression and the large category of young adults showing tendencies for recidivism. Due to the specific features of youth, those who have committed offences and are below 21 years of age, require separate treatment and therefore problems, connected with tchem should be the subject of special research. Investigations conducted in the Department of Criminology base itself on the assumption that a joint discussion of young adult delinquency and the delinquency of older age groups ‒ something we often encounter ‒ may lead to an entire numer of faulty conclusions and incorrect decisions. Though larcency is the major offence committed by young adults, nevertheless there are very frequent offences combined with aggression. And it is actually for this reason that this category of young adults, committing the last mentioned offence have become the subject of studies, especially the prisoners convicted for offences qualified as hooligan offences and those convicted for robbery. The total material collected concerned approximately 1,000 young adults, who had been brought before a court for hooligan offences. In 300 cases detailed studies were conducted, combined with environmental interviews, which took into account the prisoners as well as their families. These studies revealed that there was a large numer of young adults who had committed hooligan offences, who had already in their childhood shown symptoms of severe social maladjustment and who had started very early to drink systematically alcohol. Anyhow, similar symptoms could be found with young adults convicted for robbery. Special research was devoted to problems of recidivism in the case of young adult offenders, combined with a long follow-up period. Attention concentrated on those who were convicted several times and as a rule came from among the former juvenile delinquents. In addition to this, studies were conducted of the further fate of young adult prisoners, set free in 1961 from 40 penitentiaries; the follow-up period lasted for l0 years; the examined population was made up of 2,000 men. The material obtained made it possible to establish with accuracy the dimensions of their later recidivism. The research under discussion testifies also to the necessity to deal with recidivism among young adults in connection with their earlier social maladjustment, often dating back to their childhood. The problem, of very early social maladjustment also turned out to be most essential as regards young prostitutes, who were the subject of separate and thorough studies. The problem of recidivism, thrown so clearly into relief in research on juvenile and young adult delinquents, was also taken into account in the case of adult offenders. Research of the Department of Criminology embraced several populations of recidivists, beginning with the young age groups (21-24 years old). Material was obtained about over 600 recidivists, out of which approximately 400 prisoners were subjected to thorough criminological and psychological studies. Recently started examinations of material connected with persistent recidivists, who had been sent to “centre for social adjustment” (a preventive detention centre). The studies of recidivists which were conducted revealed that the problems of recidivism should be dealt with in our country in connection with the phenomenon of systematic excessive drinking: a very considerable percentage of recidivists are individuals who, due to long lasting and frequent drinking of alcohol, have developed symptoms of dependency on alcohol. As a result of this the criminality is in the case of alcoholics among the recidivists connected with their addiction and general social degradation. An analysis of data obtained through psychological and medical studies, testifies to the fact that persistent recidivists not only reveal symptoms of early social maladjustment, but as a rule also distinct severe personality disorders, which make it necessary to introduce measures, taking into account the psychopathological features of those offenders. Underestimation of this problem causes in practice highly negative phenomena. Worth stressing are the results of research, revealing that the small number of recidivists with multiple convictions, who began their criminal careers when at least already 25 years old, almost always come from among alcoholics. . Due to the significance of systematic excessive drinking and that of alcoholism in the genesis of various negative social phenomena, the problem of alcoholism has been taken widely into account in research conducted by the Department of Criminology. However, special attention has recently been devoted to the subject of early alcoholism and its serious social repercussions, underestimated so far and very little studied. In connection with this, research has been undertaken, conducted with 150 alcoholics up to 25 years old, who had been brought before social and medical commissions for alcoholics. Taken into account in research connected with excessive drinking were also people convicted for hooligan offences (approximately 600 from various age groups), 900 men charged with disturbing public order while intoxicated and people who had time and again been in a Detoxication Centre (500 men and 250 women). The obtained results testify to the importance of what is called problem of drinking. An analysis of the data about the law-breaking of these people showed that as a rule we deal here with people charged with offences that are not particularly severe; similar results have been revealed by material dealing with approximately 800 alcoholics who underwent treatment ‒ serious offences on the person are rare occurrences. * Investigations on criminological problems were conducted by taking into account sociological, psychological and psychopathological as well as legal aspects. In addition to subject matter, dealing with the dimensions of the criminality and its macro-social conditioning, empirical research concentrated mainly on the establishment of the etiology of social maladjustment in various samples of offenders by means of a detailed analysis of the individual cases, with a simultaneous utilization of objective data from various sources. Examination of long follow-up periods permitted the proper verification of prognostic factors. The results of the studies are being published since 1960, mainly in ,,Archiwum Kryminologii’ (Archives of Criminology), issued by the Department of Criminology which has so far printed 37 works, containing the results of empirical research. Some of the results of the Departments works have been published in other magazines and in the form of monographs. It should be stressed that the work of the Department of Criminology also includes opinions regarding drafts of laws, connected with the problem of delinquency, alcoholism and other phenomena in the field of social pathology; these opinions were sent to the proper ministries and to the parliament. Due to the great lack of scientific workers in the whole country, who are properly prepared to conduct research and to lecture in the field of criminology, the Department of Criminology has recently started postgraduate courses in this field.

18-50

Authors: Stanisław Szelhaus

This work discusses investigation results concerning 564 individuals convicted of offences defined by the court as hooliganism; the offences were committed in Warsaw, involved the exercise of physical aggression in relation to persons not known to the offender, and took place while the offender was intoxicated. These studies were initiated in 1963 by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences; police officials throughout Warsaw were ordered by Police Headquarters to complete during the course of 1964 special forms relevant to individuals suspected of having committed one of such offences combined with assault on a member of the public or an official, (usually a policeman). These questionnaires were filled out only in cases of (a) an offence combined with physical aggression being established; (b) if the person assaulted was previously unknown to the offender; (c) if there was no provocation on the part of the assaulted person; and (d) when as a result of preliminary proceedings the probability of the offender’s being guilty was established. During the course of one year (1964), there were arrested in the Warsaw area 788 offenders (including 46 women) who had committed offences covered by the criteria referred to above. Investigations embraced 564 male offenders who had committed the most frequently occurring offences classified as hooligan offences: ‒ 226 later convicted by a court for assault causing no bodily harm, ‒ 226 for the assault of policemen, ‒ 112 for causing slight bodily injury. Data regarding convictions and imprisonment of those investigated, as obtained from official records, were thrice checked: in 1964, after five years; at the end of 1969; and after eight years ‒ at the end of 1972. As regards offenders who in 1964 were under 21 their convictions between 13 and 16 years of age were found out in a Juvenile Court. The age of 564 of those guilty of hooligan offences in 1964 was as follows: 23% were 17-20 years old, 18% were 21-24 years old, 23% were 25-29 years old, 25% were 30-39 years old 11% were over 40 years old. The average age of those investigated amounted to approximately 28.5 years and the median – to 26. After eight years in 1972 the average age of the investigated amounted to approximately 36 and the median was about 34. Note that as the offenders grew older there was a gradual increase in the percentage of assaults upon policemen and a decrease in the percentage of those who were convicted for aggressive attacks to the detriment of others. In 1964, there was a total of 53% with previous convictions, most frequently in the group of young adults (17-20) ‒ 60%, if also taken into account are those cases in which they faced trial before a court while juveniles and least frequently ‒ 40% ‒ in the group of those convicted not earlier than at the age of 40. Among the recidivists, 40% were convicted once, 29% ‒ twice, 13% ‒ three times, and 18% ‒ four times or more. Already in 1964, when the median of age amounted to no more than 26 years, only 40% of all the offences committed were offences against property, while 50% committed offences with aggression and other offences while intoxicated. Offences qualified as hooliganism appeared in the light of the random sample, taken from court records, as follows: Assaults upon policemen: approximately 70% of the offences of this type were committed in connection with police interference caused by disturbance of public order during a brawl, a scuffle, etc., approximately 20% were the reaction to the offender’s being told to behave properly, and the remaining 10% were the reaction when asked by a policeman to reveal identity. With about 45% of those charged with minor assault on the person or slight bodily injury, it was impossible to perceive any reasons for such aggressive behaviour. In the case of 26%, aggression was the response to the victim’s having criticised the offender’s improper behaviour in a public place. In the case of 17%, aggression was connected with refusal by the victim to give the offender a small sum of money to buy alcohol. Note that in cases of slight bodily injuries, only 16% of the offenders used some hard object, and 5% a sharp instrument. All those charged with such offences classified as hooligan acts were intoxicated at the time they committed the offence; among the victims (of whom 53% were aged up to 30), 22% were also under the influence of alcohol. The characteristic features, given below, of the offenders referred to were based on all the data obtained about them up to the end of 1972, when the median of age amounted to approximately 34 years; note that this research was combined neither with psychological and medical examinations nor with home interviews of those investigated. Four groups were differentiated among the 564 individuals charged with acts of hooliganism: The group marked with the symbol 0/0, which included those convicted only once in 1964, who had faced no trial, either before or afterwards during the course of eight years. This group embraced 30% of the total of offenders. Group +/0, to which belong those who were charged before 1964, but did not face a court during the follow-up period of eight years. This group included no more than 18% of those investigated. Note that those investigated from groups A and B are older than those in the remaining two groups. The percentage of those between 17-24 years not convicted after 1964, amounts respectively to 31 and 30, and that of those 30 years old and more ‒ 47 and 37. Group 0/+ is made up of individuals without convictions before 1964, but who faced charges later. This group contained only 17% of the total of the delinquents. Group +/+ is composed of individuals convicted before as well as after 1964; this is the most numerous group, embracing 34% of the total of those investigated. Those from group C and D are considerably younger – below 25 were in 1964 respectively 56% and 47%, while only 25% and 28% were 30 years old and older. In these two groups of individuals convicted also after 1964 the initiation of convictions took place at a very early stage – convictions below 25 years were: in group C (0/+) – 56%, and in group D (+/+) as much as 90% , taking into account also Juvenile Court convictions under 17 years. However, in groups A (0/0) and B (+/0) there is a markedly later initiation. In group 0/0 there were only, 32% who were convicted while under 25 and in group +/0 ‒ 39%. Dealing with those from group A (0/0), where one hooligan act was exceptional, it was found that as regards education and work they were positively distinguished from all the remaining individuals investigated. A considerable majority of them were skilled workers and 23% were white collar workers, students or secondary school pupils. All of them (bar three) were working or studying. According to police records, only 20% of the members of this group frequently consumed alcohol to excess. The offenders from groups B (+/0) and C (0/+) revealed certain common features, despite the fact that in group B were some who during the course of eight years after 1964 had committed no further offences, while group C embraced some without convictions before 1964, but who faced charges after 1964. A fundamental common feature is the systematic excessive consumption of alcohol by 65% and 60% of those investigated in these groups. Of those from group B (+/0), although they had faced no charges during the eight-year period, only one third were not repeatedly arrested by the police for drunkenness. Among the remainder, 29% were arrested once or twice and entered in police records for drunkenness, 10% were arrested 3-4 times and 26% ‒ five times or more. The rate of delinquency of those investigated from these two different groups was similar: in group B +/0 ‒ 57% were convicted by court only once, 20% ‒ twice, and only 15% ‒ three times or more; in group C (0/+) ‒ 56% were convicted only once during the course of eight years after 1964, 35% ‒ twice, and only 9% - three times or more. The delinquency structure of those investigated from these two groups is almost identical: offences against property do not exceed 20% and 18% respectively of the offences committed by them in general; 54% and 52% were offences combined with physical aggression; and 17% were offences involving verbal aggression: 6% and 10% of the offences were also connected with excessive consumption of alcohol. The majority of the delinquents from the most numerous group D (+/+) came from socially seriously depraved categories; one in three of them had not even finished primary school, 43% did not work or only from time to time. Even in 1964, when 47% of them were still under 25, approximately 70% of the total of those investigated in this group figured in police records as “individuals frequently getting drunk and arrested for drunkenness or for causing brawls”. Between 1968 and 1972, as many as 68% of those investigated of this group were brought to detoxication centres and half of them were arrested at least three times (15% even over 10 times). Those investigated who belonged to group +/+ of recidivists were convicted: 19% ‒ three times, 18% ‒ four times, 18% five times, 18% ‒ six times, 15% ‒ seven to eight times, and 12% ‒ nine times or more. Among the young adults from this group who in 1964 were 17-20 years old, as many as 90% had already faced charges while they still were juveniles. Examination of the structure of delinquency of the total number of those investigated from group +/+ showed that 36% committed theft, 42% committed offences combined with physical aggression, 17% with verbal aggression, and 5% committed still other offences, also connected with drunkenness. Two sub-groups differentiated from among those investigated in group +/+: (1) The first included 57% of such recidivists who were convicted exclusively (24%) or mainly (33%) of offences combined with aggression, or other offences committed as a rule while intoxicated. (2) The second sub-group included 36% of the recidivists convicted mainly (26%) or exclusively (9%) of theft. Theft accounted for three fourths of the total of the offences, and approximatery 20% of the offences were combined with aggression. The following answers were obtained to the question as to how many out of the population of delinquents investigated who committed hooligan acts were convicted at least four times for physical aggression: There was a total of 42 such delinquents, 32 were convicted four times for such offences and only 10 were convicted at least five times. Though these 42 offenders convicted at least four times for physical aggression account for almost 23% of all the recidivists, convicted four times and more, however, they make only 8% of the total of the investigated committed hooligan acts. Ail these recidivists are recruited from among recidivists of group +/+ of the socially most depraved, and as a rule they were convicted also of having committed other offences (54% for theft). Examining other data, also mentioned in this work, related to “offences combined with physical aggression” it should be borne in mind that among all the offences with aggression against the person (564), committed by those investigated, 58% were responsible for battery and 26% for slight bodily injury. As regards serious crimes with violence against the person there were: 3 murders, 27 very serious and serious bodily injuries, 28 brawls and 3 rapes. Together, all such serious crimes make only 10,8% of all the offences against the person. Robbery also is rated a serious crime and there were 68 of such (as many as 55 robberies were committed by recidivists from group +/+ with multiple convictions). If offences involving serious violence against the person are added to robberies, then all the serious (dangerous) crimes accounted for 6.4% of the total of offences. * Summing up the results of the investigations, it may be concluded that among Warsaw residents studied as responsible for hooligan acts, 30% were convicted only once for such offences in 1964, 35% were as a rule convicted not more frequently than 2-3 times, and 34% were recidivists marked by strong social degradation, as a rule with multiple convictions. Among the crimes committed by all those investigated ‒ with the exception of 35% of the subgroup of recidivists from group +/+ ‒ there is a substantial predominance of offences combined with physical or verbal aggression and other offences resulting from insobriety. Out of the entire 564 individuals investigated as having committed hooligan acts, only 12% were recidivists as regards whom could be noted a marked predominance of offences against property as compared with other offences. Thus the category, discussed in this work, of offenders who committed hooligan acts, is marked by specific features, closely connected with excessive drinking.

70-107

Authors: Stanisław Batawia

In Poland we have at present in towns 29 detoxication centres with 1,226 beds; people found by the police in public places in a state of intoxication are more and more often taken to detoxication centres instead of being arrested and taken into custody (a stay in a public place in the state defined as state of drunkenness is in Poland not subject to penalty). Between 1966-1972 from 60 to 70% of those arrested for drunkenness were throughout the country sent to detoxication centres and not taken into custody. The average annual number of men placed in the Warsaw detoxication centre in the years 1968-1970 amounted to approximately 27,550 and that of women to 1,500. The number of men taken to the centre for a second time during the course of a year amounted to approximately 4,200, and three or more times – 4,500; the number of women placed in a centre for the second time during the course of one year amounted to approximately 200, for the third time or more – to approximately 500. The category of individuals taken to a detoxication centre several times during the course of one year thus is substantial. There were 32% of men with a least two such stays, and 40% of women from among the total number people taken to the centre. This category of individuals is called habitual drunkenness offenders, which, as we know, exists in many countries. Selected as a sample for the studies, discussed here were not individuals who had repeatedly been taken to the detoxication centre during the course of one and the same year. The idea was to eliminate those individuals as to whom we were sure that they were alcoholics. The research, conducted in 1970 in the detoxication centre in Warsaw by the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences embraced that category of men who during a period of over five and a half years were at least three times taken there and the category of women who during the period of five and a half years were taken there at least twice. Each individual, listed in 1970 by the detoxication centre, in the order they were entered in the book, was checked from the beginning of 1970 in the centre’s records for the past five years (1965-1969) and in such a way material was completed on 500 men who during that period had at least been sent there three times and on 250 women sent there at least twice. Among men taken time and again to the detoxication centre there is a large percentage of older people, because in 1970 as many as 50,5% were over 40 and a mere 11.4% were below 30. The median age of these men amounted to 40.2; we find, as is known, similar figures in publications dealing with the problems of alcoholics. Those taken only three times to the centre amounted to approximately one-fourth of the total number of men, those taken 4-6 times accounted for 37%, 7-9 times – 19% and 10 or more times – 20%. Among the latter category of 98 patients of the centre 52 were taken there 10-15 times, 26 – 16-20 times and 20 – 21 times and more. As results from the above those who were only 3-6 times registered by the centre constitute 61% of the total number, and without taking into account additional data about arrests by the police of the people whose state of intoxication did not require their isolation in a detoxication centre, the true picture of the extent of deviations in the behaviour of the investigated, caused by intoxication would be distorted. That is why the decision was taken to add to the data related about the frequency of stays in the detoxication centre additional data on arrests by the police of men in a state of intoxication, who had been already registered in the centre three times, four times, six times and 8-9 times; it was not considered necessary to introduce analogical procedures for those listed many times during that period in the centre – from 10 to over 21 times, since it is to be assumed that these as a rule are already alcoholics. Taken into account in this respect was not only the period between 1965-1970, but also later years between 1971-1973, in order to find whether excessive drinking of alcohol by the investigated, causing police intervention, did not get worse. It turned out that only with men registered in the centre three times the percentage of those arrested additionally by the police did not surpass the figure of 33, but with those listed by the centre four times – it already amounted to 48%, six times – 55% and 8-9 times – 53%. This shows that beginning with 4 stays in the centre the percentage of people arrested by the police because of drunkenness already amounted to at least approximately 50%. Taking into account the number of arrests, figuring in police records, it was found that those arrested at least 5 times there, were in turn among those listed in the detoxication centre 3, 4, 6 and 8-9 times: 10%, 30%, 32% and 47%; of those listed 10 and more times: 0, 15%, 14%, and 27%. Thus the studied material is the subject of substantial differentiation if, in addition to stays in the detoxication centre, one takes into account arrests by the police and the number of such arrests. Taken into account additionally were court convictions which makes it possible to answer the question, how many men listed in the centre until the end of 1973, were neither arrested by the police nor convicted by a court for offences, as a rule committed in a state of intoxication. Of such former patients of the centre, without the behaviour patterns, referred to and connected with excessive drinking of alcohol, there remained at the end of 1973: among those listed in the centre 3 times – 44%, among those listed in the centre 4 times – 38%, among those listed in the centre 6 times – 25%, among those listed in the centre 8-9 times – 31% . Distinctly noted was an intensification of deviations in the behaviour in a state of, intoxication in the examined individuals during the course of the last three years (1971-1973). At the end of 1973 over 50% and 60% of the investigated with previous 3 and 4 stays in the centre and approximately 70% beginning with 6 stays in the centre, may without any special objections be considered alcoholics. It should, however, be borne in mind that there exists a large category of alcoholics whose systematic drinking alcohol to excess does not cause a behaviour that requires the intervention of the police and that is why, in regard even to these individuals among the investigated with whom, in addition to frequent stays in the detoxication centre, no other additional negative features were noticed, the suspicion that they may be alcoholics, is nevertheless justified. In this study under discussion here, during which no individual, psychological and medical investigations or environmental research were carried out, these problems could not be properly clarified. 82% of the men who more than once were brought to the detoxication centre were blue-collar workers and only 8.5% – white-collar workers. 63% had regular jobs and 31% worked from time to time or did not work at all (information regarding work is, however, not based on reliable data). The percentage of those who are not working (and those working from time to time) increases together with the number of stays in the centre; amounting to: 18% of those listed three times in the centre, 22% – 4-6 times, 39% – 7-9 times and 55% – 10 times and more. 50% of the men were not convicted by courts, 20% – were once convicted, 16% – 2-3 times and 14% – 4 times and more. Together with the growing frequency of being registered in the centre there also grows the percentage of those convicted by a court from 42% (3 times listed in the Centre) to 66% (in the group listed 10 times and more). 62% of the men registered in the centre as “not working” were convicted by a court, 69% – of those working from time to time and 40% – of those who were working regularly. Studying the group of men who had been convicted it was found that the late beginning of convictions, only when they were already 30 and more, is found with 31% of those convicted who are 30-39 years old and with as many as 65% among those who are 40-49; in the group with convictions when 50 and older – the first convictions occurred after 50 with all of them. Among the total with convictions only 18% were first convicted when below 21. However, among those offenders who were first convicted at the age of 17-20 we find the largest percentage (4l%) with later convictions amounting to 4 and more. Markedly smaller numbers of the men over 40 have been convicted than is the case among the younger age groups (p < 0.001). However, the percentages of recidivists, convicted 4 times and more are similar in the various age groups, beginning with the age of 30. The above-mentioned data testify above all to the fact that the majority (70%) of men listed time, and again in the detoxication centre, whose median amounted in 1970 already to 40.2 years, either had not previously been convicted at all (50%) or had faced charges only once (20%), while the category of recidivists with multiple convictions is not numerous (14%). The results of studies also testify to the fact that approximately 45% of the total number of those convicted, faced charges for the first time only when they were already 30 years old. Dealing with data on the delinquency of those convicted by a court once and 2-3 times, it was found, that in the structure of their delinquency offences against property did not surpass 22% and 23% of all the offences committed, and offences with physical or verbal aggression and other offences, as a rule also caused by insobriety, amount respectively to 68% and 60% of the committed offences. Among a small group of recidivists, convicted at least 4 times, only 45% of the recidivists committed mainly or exclusively offences against property (larcency), while in the case of 48% there dominated offences with physical and verbal aggression. To the typical offences, with physical aggression belong acts that are not particularly dangerous, such as slight bodily injury, “il-treatrnent of family members” and assaults upon policemen. Within the group referred to above only a very small sub-group of the recidivists with multiple convictions, who committed mainly aggressive acts caused by insobriety, can also found crimes in the form of more serious aggressive acts, such as robbery, serious bodily injuries, brawls, combined with the use of a dangerous instrument. Despite this, even among recidivists with severe degradation there is only an insignificant number of such recidivists who committed at least four offences combined with physical aggression ‒ there were only 7 out of 67 ‒ 10.4%; they constitute a mere 2.8% of the total of convicted persons. The group of recidivists with severe degradation and at least 4 convictions accounts for no more than 28% of the total number of those convicted; the deliquency of the remaining men who are frequently listed in the centre is rather a marginal phenomenon. During the past three years (1971-1973), side by side with the intensification of alcoholism there could be noticed among the investigated an increase in the percentage of those with convictions in the group listed 3 times in the centre from 42% to 49%, in the group listed 4 and 6 times from 44% to 57% and 62% and in the group listed 8-9 times from 53% to 62%. But the structure of the offences did not undergo any changes ‒ petty offences, that socially are less harmful and caused by insobriety, predominate. Out of the 250 women, listed at least twice in the detoxication centre during the period of 5 and a half years, have been set apart 128 women noted in police records as prostitutes (P) and 122 women about whom such data were lacking (NP). 70% of the P were listed at least 4 times (32% ‒ eight times or more). 60% of the NP were registered only twice (14% at least 8 times). The prostitutes are younger than the remaining women ‒ the age median of P arnounted to 35.4 years, that of NP ‒ 42.3 years. 48% of the women with the symbor “P” were below the age of 35 years, 24% of the NP. Among the NP as many as 30% were already 50 years old and more (among the P 13%). Those who are not prostitutes thus are considerably older, but among the prostitutes, too, are women from the age groups above 35 years. (Note that while in 1970 there were among the total number of prostitutes, known to the police throughout the whole country, 44% who were at least 31 years old, as many as 73% of the studied prostitutes registered in the Warsaw detoxication centre were at least 30 years old). Prostitutes were often arrested by the police because of drunkenness – only 30% were arrested less than 10 times, 34% from 10 to 29 times and 27% ‒ 30 times and more. Only 32% of those who were not prostitutes were arrested during this same period because of drunkenness, in the following 3 years (1971-1973) ‒ 34% and among the total of the arrested 56% were arrested only 1-2 times and a mere 22% ‒ 10 times and more. Women listed time and again in the centre have much worse data related to education and work than men, listed there from time to time. Among P there were 20% of women with incomplete primary school education, and NP ‒ 39%; 69% of the women had no trade, including P and NP; not working (or working only from time to time) were 72% of the P and 60% of the NP. Data regarding convictions testify to the fact that 64% of those who were not prostitutes had no convictions and only 6% NP were convicted by a court four and more times. Only 28% of the prostitutes had no convictions, 22% were convicted once, 20% ‒ 2-3 times, and 30%, four times and more. The first convictions at an age below 25 were found with 40% of the prostitutes and only with 11% of the NP, 31% of the P had their first conviction at the age of 30 and 7l% of the NP. Those who were not prostitutes as a rule had no convictions and among the few who had faced charges, the beginning of delinquency took place only after 30 (with approximately 30% ‒ only after 40). In the delinquency structure of P as well as NP larcency constitutes only 36% and 33%; undoubtedly this mainly means stealing from men. Most of the offences committed by P and NP are not serious. The material about women obtained from the detoxication centre points to their marked social degradation, probably reaching back to the period preceding their turning into alcoholics and also indicates the deepening of their social degradation, together with age and the intensification of their alcoholism. * The results of the research under discussion testify to the fact that the majority even of those who were registered less than 10 times during those five and a half year in the detoxication centre, are certainly already alcoholics. Studies revealed that in addition they had been frequently arrested by the police for drunkenness (though not isolated in detoxication centres) and had faced courts, charged with typical offences for people drinking alcohol to excess. Thus, even less frequent stays in a detoxication centre should already be an indication for the health and social care service to intervene, in order to find alcoholics requiring treatment.

126-187

Authors: Stanisław Batawia, Ewa Żabczyńska, Adam Strzembosz, Teodor Szymanowski

Three follow-up studies were published, dealing with juvenile delinquents and young adult offenders, based on a random sample and material on: ‒ 100 boys charged with larcency, who during the period of the investigation in 1966 were barely 10-11 years old. This research concentrated in turn on all the 10-11 year-old boys charged with larcency and brought before a Juvenile Court in Warsaw; the follow-up period embraced 5 years; ‒ 358 former juveniles (10-16 years old) charged with theft in three districts of Warsaw and brought before a Juvenile Court in 1961-1962, whose further fate was investigated during the period when they were 17-20 years old and from among the same 243 former juveniles 13-16 years old, who in 1972 were already 24-27 years old; ‒ 17-20 year-old young adults released from 40 prisons throughout the country, after having served their sentences for various offences and whose subsequent recidivism was established during the course of 10 years from their release from prison in 1961. Two works, discussing the further recidivism of the juvenile delinquents, convicted for larcency obviously differ markedly regarding the age and follow-up period. The first work deals with the investigated up to the age of 15-16 only, the second also embraces the time when the former juveniles are already approximately 26 years old. However, both works unanimously emphasize the fundamental significance of early initiation of social maladjustment and demoralization for the prognosing of the rapidity and extent of recidivism. They stress the necessity to make use in practice as the only criterion for recidivism of juveniles, each new charge brought before a court and the number of times theft has been committed, being the subject of a given trial. Simultaneously these works reveal unanimously, that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency, are brought up in families, which are unable to guarantee them the proper conditions for normal development and that in these families also many brothers of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency revealed symptoms of social maladjustment and committed offences. The results of the studies under discussion also are unanimous as to the fact that with the majority of the juveniles could be found personality disorders. The material under discussion deserves special attention as regards the juvenile delinquents of the younger age groups. It is of great significance that many of the investigated 10‒11-year-olds charged with larcency committed theft already before. Long years of research, conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences, testify to the fact that the majority of the juvenile delinquents charged with larcency and brought before Juvenile Courts are boys who already previously committed larcency more than once. Disturbance of the socialization process with these juveniles, usually reaches back to their early childhood, requires early discovery and interference at the earliest possible time in the form of surrounding the parents, brothers and sisters of the juvenile delinquent with care and also of controlling them. The results yielded by follow-up studies of the recidivism during a period of 10 years of the 17-20 year-old young adult offenders, released from prison in 1961, concentrate on young people whose recidivism is undoubtedly connected with serious social maladjustment already during their juvenility. Obviously one cannot identify these young adults released from prison with all the 17‒20-year-old young adults convicted by courts who received various sentences. The results of the follow-up studies of the young adult prisoners should contribute to the initiation of systematic, individual research regarding young adults convicted and receiving various prison terms and to the change of certain guiding lines of the penal and penitentiary policy in regard to young adult offenders.

140-155

Authors: Adam Strzembosz

The subject of this work are the findings of studies of the follow-up period intended to establish the further fate of 343 juvenile delinquents aged 10-16, who had been guilty of theft while still under 17. In 1961 detailed, criminological research was initiated in the Juvenile Court of Praga – one of the districts of Warsaw – (records were studied, interviews undertaken in the environs, homes and schools were conducted), which embraced all the 180 juvenile delinquents between 10-16 years, living in that district, who during the course of one year had been found guilty of theft. Further a study was made of the criminal records of 178 juvenile thieves from two other districts of Warsaw, all the juvenile delinquents who had been tried for theft by courts during the period from August 1961 to May 1962 being investigated in turn. In this way was obtained a total of 358 juvenile delinquents who had been found guilty of thefts. The idea was to find out how many of them were recidivists in the follow-up period. 33% of these juvenile delinquents were under 13 and 67% were between 13 and 16 years. The division into these two groups was justified because of the different approach of the Polish penal code to minors up to the age of 13: as regards such juvenile delinquents, the court may apply educational measures only: reprimand, supervision by parents, probation and placing in an educational institution. As regards delinquents between 14 and 16, the court may also apply correctional measures – i.e. approved schools. In the present work, the author accepts as basic criterion for defining the recidivist the fact that he has faced in a Juvenile Court a new charge of theft. The category of those not considered as recidivists includes only delinquents charged once with theft. Each juvenile delinquent who has been charged (usually by the police) a second or third time with theft already figures as a recidivist with 2, 3, 4 and more appearances in court. Moreover, it was possible during the investigations, combined with detailed interviews in the homes of the delinquents, additionally to qualify as recidivists such juvenile delinquents shown to have stolen though not brought before a court. Taking into account the variety of criteria applied to recidivists, they have been divided into the following categories: (a) first of all, formal criteria were applied: considered as recidivists were those concerning whom the court had previously applied educational and correctional measures. Here, the percentage of recidivists amounted to 37.7; (b) this percentage increased to 48.6 when considered as recidivists were all those who had been charged at least twice with theft, including those concerning whom the court had not considered it relevant to apply any new measures; (c) this percentage was still higher (61.2), when listed as recidivists were all those whom the court had found guilty of at least two thefts; (d) interviews in the environment conducted as regards 180 juvenile delinquents in a single district revealed in addition that these data too were not entirely reliable in defining recidivists. Data from interviews showed that the percentage of delinquents who had committed more than one theft amounted to as much as 78.5. It was also found that, when applying the first, formal criterion recidivists among the older delinquents (46%) were far greater in numbers than among the younger (20%). The second criterion – at least two thefts – showed that the difference between older and younger delinquents as regards the percentage of recidivism among them (82.2% 73.2%) was only slight. These data indicate that the formal criterion for recidivism, used by Juvenile Courts, does not reflect the actual extent of this phenomenon. This is the more important since, the latter, broader definition, was found to be the most satisfactory for prognostic purposes. It was established that during the two-year follow-up period a substantially larger number of juvenile delinquents previously listed, according to the first formal definition, as not being recidivists (47%), faced charges than was the case with those listed according to the second definition (17.6%). Criminological investigations – combined with interviews conducted in their families – of 180 juvenile delinquents from a single district, revealed that juvenile delinquents charged with theft are as a rule socially maladjusted children, showing the first symptoms of social maladjustment even in the first grades of primary school. With 62% symptoms of demoralization were recorded with children between 7 and 10 years of age. A typical phenomenon with these juveniles is a considerable lag in their school studies, found as regards 95% of older and 76% of younger juveniles. A lag of at least two years was found with 77% of the older and 37% of the younger individuals investigated. The majority of these systematically played truant; 37% of the younger and 70% of the older juveniles had run away from home. Only as regards 33% was it not found that they consumed alcohol; 26% drank at least once a week; 25% of the recidivists were heavy drinkers. On the basis of data obtained from mothers during interviews (and for 50% of the cases also from child guidance clinics, institutions etc.) it was possible with 60% of the older investigated delinquents to establish various types of personality disorders; 26% were suspected of having suffered organic disturbances of the central nervous system; data indicating such diseases in the past were more frequently found with recidivists (37%) than with those who were not recidivists (13%). Those investigated were for the most part brought up in an unsatisfactory family environment. It was found that in 46% of the families fathers or step-fathers systematically drank alcohol to excess; delinquency of fathers was noted in 31% of the families, and in 9% the mothers were suspected of prostitution. As many as 67% of the brothers revealed symptoms of demoralization and 47% had committed theft. Recidivists differed markedly from non-recidivists as regards such negative features, characterizing the family environment as: systematic abuse of alcohol, unhappy married life of the parents, children very poorly cared for. Of all the 358 thieves investigated, a mere one-third were as juveniles (under 17) charged only once: thus they were not recidivists according to the criteria accepted in the investigation; 21% had twice faced a court; 11% – three and 34% – four or more times had been charged before a Juvenile Court. The differentiated groups of the youngest and oldest among those we investigated did not differ markedly as regards the number of appearances in court while under age. Consideration was next given to further delinquency during the period when the investigated were young adults i.e., when they were between 17 and 20. New offences were noted during that period with 50% of the former defendants who, previously had been juveniles. It also emerged that the number of charges preferred while they were under age was of essential significance for recidivism during the period when those investigated were already young adults. Among those who had been charged only once as juveniles, only 27% were afterwards convicted between the age of 17 and 20; among those charged twice – 48%; beginning with 3 charges, the percentage of later recidivists amounted to 65.8, and with 4 and more charges – to as much as 78.7%. The number of convictions while juveniles indicates a correlation not only with the actual fact of recidivism when those concerned were still young adults, but also the intensification of recidivism between 17 and 20. The majority of those who while juveniles had only one case against them, were subsequently convicted only once. But of those who while juveniles were charged at least three times, the majority (64%) had multiple convictions between 17 and 20. Typical of offences committed by those who had been charged with theft as juveniles, continued to be theft; close on half of those investigated, however – and this should be emphasized – were convicted for offences against the person, officials or the authorities, and these as a rule were offences committed while intoxicated. One-third of the subjects spent in prison at least half of the four-year period, while they were young adults. In 1972, when the last follow-up period was studied, ten years had elapsed since the beginning of the investigation of the delinquents who had committed theft while juveniles. The younger among them were at that time 20 to 23 years old; the older – 24 to 27 (the average age being about 26 years). As regards these 243 older investigated individuals, it was possible to examine not only the period when they were young adults, but also the later period, after they were already 21 years old; this later period was in their case sufficiently to make it possible properly to evaluate whether during that time they had ceased committing offences or whether they continued to do so. Further delinquency of the older among those investigated during the period after 17 until their average age was about 26, was as follows: – It emerged that only 38% had not been convicted at all after the age of 17. The overwhelming majority of them (83%) had been charged only once or twice while under age. – 17% had been convicted only between 17 and 20, while 13% had been convicted only after 21. – 32% were convicted as young adults as weil as later after the age of 21. In this group, the majority (73%) had been charged before a court at least three times as juveniles. As regards the older among those investigated for the entire follow-up period, it was confirmed that the majority showed a correlation with what happened during their juvenility: further delinquency as well as persistent recidivism was found more frequently with those who were more frequently charged as juveniles. During the entire follow-up period, 19% of the older individuals were convicted only once, l3% – twice, and 30% – at least three times. The category with multiple convictions, recidivists convicted at least four times amounted to 20%, which certainly is a substantial figure, having regard to the relatively long prison sentences passed on those convicted two and three times. It should be added that though interviews in the environment during the follow-up period were lacking, making impossible a proper evaluation of the social adjustment of those investigated who during that period had no new convictions or were convicted only once, the data obtained enable the drawing of conclusions which are important for social policy. Note that even frorn among the investigated juveniles who were charged only once before a court, as many as 42% were later convicted after 17; this points to the necessity of a thorough examination of even apparently minor cases of theft involving those under age who previously had not been convicted. The extent of persistent recidivism revealed demonstrates the poor effectiveness of methods used as far in dealing with juvenile delinquents who revealed symptoms of marked social maladjustment.

179-187

Authors: Halina Janowska

Summary of the Investigation This study is devoted to an analysis of homicide in Poiand during the 20 years 1951-1971 as compared with the pre-war period. This part of investigation is based on data taken from the police and prosecutor’s office statistics from before the war and for the years 1951-1971. The analysis deals also with the court records’ data on 308 offenders convicted for homicide throughout the country in the year 1961. The offenders represented almost all the persons convicted during that year for crimes covered by Arts. 225, paras 1 and 2 of the Penal Code of 1932. As many as 75 per cent of them were convicted for committed and 25 per cent for attempted homicides. The incidence of homicide was during the pre-war period more than five times that during the 25 years after the war. The social reasons for this phenomenon undoubtedly involve the important socio-economic and cultural transformations which have taken place in the country since the war. The diminished frequency of acts of homicide was brought about by changes in the social structure, an increase in the range of values made universally accessible, a rising level of culture and education, and changes in certain behavioural patterns. As between pre-war times and the last few years, a significant dynamic aspect in the territorial distribution of homicide has been noticeable; fundamentally, this is a change in the trend of dependence between the rate of homicide and the level of industrialization and urbanization. In the years 1935-1937, this dependence was negative, the greatest rate of homicide being recorded in the economically backward regions of eastern and southern Poland. In the years 1956-1962, this dependence persisted but at the same time the highest coefficient of homicide was noted in areas with an extremely high level of industrialization. In the years 1963-1965 there was an interdependence between the homicide rate and the low level of industrialization and urbanization; the highest coefficient of these crimes appears at that time in voivodeships marked by a high ‒ or an extremely low ‒ level of industrialization and urbanization. In recent years, 1969-1971, the dependence between the homicide rate and the low level of industrialization and urbanization further decreased, but the dependence of the high coefficient of homicide on the high level of industrialization became still more obvious. The highest homicide rate before the war in markedly agricultural areas of what was then called Poland “B” is to be linked with, above all, the influence exerted by such factors as: low level of economic development of these regions, low level of culture and education, the local type of social bonds, favouring ‒ in the then existing conditions ‒ lynch law, the spread of models called “subculture of aggression”. The fact that after the war (with a coefficient of homicide less than one-fifth of the former) a relatively higher coefficient of homicide remained unchanged in the eastern voivodeships is to be connected, above all, with residues of the pre-war situation which were of a cultural nature and whose influence ‒ because of the urbanization of rural culture ‒ was expected to diminish. This hypothesis finds confirmation in the results of the analysis of statistitical data for the years 1956-1971 related to the dynamic changes in the territorial distribution of homicide. Analyzing the reasons for a greater homicide rate in the western voivodeships, and even of tendencies indicating increase in the homicide coefficient in these areas, primarily taken into account should be the enormous intensification of social migration processes and the rapid rate of industrialization and urbanization of these regions. As regards the first of these factors, it should be borne in mind that the coefficient of homicide in the various voivodeships is greater in voivodeships with a higher percentage of people frorn those areas of Poland which before the war were known for a high coefficient of the crime of homicide. In conditions inevitably giving rise to social frustrations, there is an increased probability of homicide by people with certain psycho-social features. It should be emphasized that the offenders examined were in the majority of cases individuals marked by serious personality disorders and not having had even primary school education or any professional qualifications. Not without significance seems to be the fact that the overwhelming majority of such came from environments where aggressive behavioural patterns had been widespread. The indirect influence of social factors on the frequency of homicide seems to be insignificant in the case of people who commit such a crime in states of mind definable as psychotic, giving rise to irresponsibility. This assumption found confirmation in data from some other countries indicating that during a period when there is an increase in homicide, no increasing number of homicides by mentally ill people is to be observed. There seems, however, no doubt as to the influence of factors of a social nature on homicide by people who are not mentally sick but suffer from psychic anomalies. Among offenders examined by court psychiatrists (70.4% of the total in the court record material studied) 69.8 had psychic anomalies of various kinds; this fact is to be connected with their difficulties in social adjustment as well as with violent, extremely aggressive reactions to frustrating situations. Analyzing by comparison with the years before the war, the structure of motives for homicide, on the basis of court records, it was found that in the categories of motives differentiated in pre-war works by P. Horoszowski, the following changes have taken place as regards the number of convictions for homicides with given motives. The annual number of convictions for homicide with economic motives decreased five times (by approximately 300 cases); homicides for erotic motives less than two and a half times (by approximately 100); in defence of honour and person ‒ five times (by over 500); and infanticide ‒ also five times (by about 70). Examining the structure of motives for homicide ‒ i.e., the proportional share of convictions appropriate to the various categories ‒ it was found that the number of convicted offenders decreased by 7% as regards economic motives and defence of honour and person, and increased by about 14% in the category of homicides with erotic motives, while the percentage of convictions for child murder remained in the general structure of motives unchanged. Although the results of research on court records of one year are in principle insufficient as a basis for generalization in regard to a longer period of time, nevertheless we feel justified in generalizing the basis of statistical data supplied by the police. Such data enables the statement that there is a similarity between the average annual number of cases of homicide in the various categories of motives for the years 1962-1964 and 1968-1970. Since, moreover, the all-over number of cases of homicide for those years also reveals similarities, it may be concluded that the structure of motives for homicide in those periods was relatively stable. Changes in the structure of motives for homicide since the war period may, as compared with the pre-war period be attributed primarily to the changes in the structure of classes and strata in Poland and to changes in the hierarchy of socially accepted values. The typology of motives for homicide followed F. Horoszowski’s typology, which served as a basis for analysis of court records before the war but had to be extended for the purpose of this work. An effort has been made to find out whether offenders prompted by different motives differ essentially in respect to socio-demographic and psycho-social features. It was found that offenders, whether prompted by economic or erotic motives, or acting in defence of their personal dignity, etc., did not differ essentially as regards the features indicated above. But such differences can be observed when in the grouping of cases account is taken of, in addition to the motive for a crime, the objective situation on the background of which such motive took shape. Typotogy of the material examined, developed as indicated, led to the establishing of the following groups: (1) homicide in defence of personal dignity, arising out of a serious, developing conflict between the offender and the victim (26 cases); (2) homicide in defence of personal dignity, arising from a momentary, trivial conflict caused by the insobriety of the offender (40 cases); (3) homicide in defence of personal dignity during a brawl arising out of a trivial, passing conflict, caused by the insobriety of the offender (21 cases); (4) homicide for erotic reasons, arising out of the victim’s failure to satisfy the slayer’s emotional expectations (excluded are marital conflicts, caused by the slayer-husband’s alcoholism) ‒ 32 cases; (5) homicide with erotic motives connected with marital conflict, arising out of the slayer-husband’s alcoholism (32 cases); (6) homicide with erotic motives, to eliminate someone who constituted an obstacle to the offender’s realization of a plan to marry (18 cases); (7) homicide with economic motives arising out of claims to property (36 cases); (8) homicide with economic motives with intent to rob (29 cases); (9) homicide in self-defence or in defence of intimates (27 cases); (10) homicide to eliminate a witness to another crime committed by the offender (6 cases); (11) child-murder, as a rule of illegitimate infants, for various motives (23 cases), (a) by women (17 cases), (b) by men (6 cases); (12) homicide with pathological motives, arising out of a pathological reaction to intoxication (12 cases); (13) murder with pathological motives, arising out of a pathological way of achieving sexual satisfaction (6 cases). Note that the homicide category with the largest number of cases is that in defence of personal dignity (over 28%), including homicide for trivial reasons, a momentary confiict, arising out of the slayer’s being intoxicated (in police statistics such homicides figure as “hooligan”' killings; in literature ‒ often as “homicide arising from alcoholic motive”). Of the total of slayers examined, 90% were men. Of those ‒ 51% were under 30 years of age, and of female slayers ‒ 47%. 41% of male and 61% of the female offenders were single. From among male offenders 60% of them lived in the countryside, and from among female ones ‒ 63%. As many as 58% of offenders of both sexes had failed to complete primary school education (56% of men and 72% of women). Only 7% of the male and 9% of the female offenders were white collar workers. Analysis of the symptoms of social degradation among homicidals, showed that in only half of the cases was there evidence of intensification of such symptoms, which appearing together, indicated previous social deviance of the individual. Thus among the examined men 43% had already been tried for previous criminal offences before they were convicted of homicide; 22% of the total had been convicted once, 11% ‒ twice, and only 10% three times or more (among women there was not a single case of having 3 prior convictions). As to the structure of previous offences, it was found that there was a predominance (54.5%) of offences involving theft; 23% were offences combined with physical aggression, but of these only 17 out of a total of 75 could be considered serious (four involving manslaughter, 1 a brawl ending fatally, 5 serious bodily injuries, and 7 robberies). 58% of the total of homicidals systematically drank alcohol to excess (large quantities at least several times a week) and 68% of offenders were under the influence of alcohol at the moment of the crime. Alcohol is undoubtedly a very significant factor in the etiology of homicide; it plays an essential criminogenic role, especially as regards the very frequent cases in which an intoxicated offender simultaneously had serious disorders of personality. Data concerning recurrence of aggressive behaviour by offenders prior to the homicide were found in the court records of 65% of the cases; 60% of these received adverse references from their places of residence or of work. Only 20% did not work during the period preceding the homicide. The data given above show that not all homicidals reveal features indicating previous social maladjustment. In this connection, an examination was made of the correlation between certain psycho-social features o the criminals and the motives which prompted them to homicide. A statistical analysis, on the basis of which groups of the most strongly correlated variables were formed enabled further typology of groups of homicides differentiated according to motives. The principle of this typology was the connection between certain groups of homicides and the syndromes of psychosocial features, considered negative or “positive” from the point of view of social evaluation. Groups most strongly correlated with syndromes of negative features thus included individuals who had committed such crimes as: homicide with intent to rob; homicide in defence of own dignity arising out of a trifling, momentary conflict caused by the insoberity of the offender, homicide for erotic motives arising out of conflict caused by the offenderhusband’s alcoholism, homicide arising out of the offender’s pathological reaction caused by alcohol. It was found that the groups of offenders most markedly correlated with the “positive” syndrome of psycho-social features from the point of view of social evaluation were: homicide occurring in defence of personal dignity; arising out of a seriously gnowing conflict between slayer and victim; homicide with erotic motives aimed at the elimination of someone regarded as an obstacle to the realization of an offender’s plans to marry; homicide with economic motives arising out of claims to property; homicide in self-defence; child-murder committed by women. Of interest is the fact that in the light of court records a considerable majority of slayers (approximately 80%), men as well as women, committed homicide under the influence of strong negative emotional states, prolonged and belonging to affective experiences of the type frequently qualified in criminology and psychopathological literature as “states of continuous affect”. Only in about 10% of homicides did the records not reveal any intensified emotional stress on the part of the slayers – neither in the form of prolonged emotional stress nor in the form of marked exasperation arising directly before the homicide and caused by the victim’s aggressive, provocative behaviour. A mere 17% of the cases examined could be considered homicide “with malice aforethought”; this also includes homicide committed under considerable affect. The courts considered onry14.5% of the total of offenders to have committed their crimes “under the influence of strong emotion”, and applied para. 2, Art. 225 of the penal code (of 1932). Note that in the years 1961-1965 the courts invoked para. 2, Art. 225 of the penal code in connection with – annual average – only 14.7% of the total of individuals convicted of homicide, and in the years 1966-1971 in connection with a bare 10.3%. But during the pre-war years 1934-1937, of all cases of homicide, an average of 49% were considered by the court as having been committed under the influence of strong emotion. Data from the records examined as regards homicide victims are very scant and incomplete. Thus this work took into account only information related to the connections between the offender and victim and such features as: sex, age and state of sobriety at the time the offence was committed and also data contained in opinions given about the victims. It is of some interest that such features of the victims differed, depending on whether the offender was a man or woman. Close relatives constituted as much as 53% of the total of victims of female offenders and only 9% – of the males. On the other hand, there was marked similarity as regards the percentage of husband or wife as victims, of the partner, lover or fiancé (fiancée). In the case of men this percentage amounted to 24%, of women – 21%. The percentage of more distant relatives as homicide victims was 10.4% for men and only 3% for women. The percentage of victims unknown to slayers was fon men – 13% and for women 12%. Entirely different as between the sexes of offenders was the percentage of their victims who were closer or more distant friends: for men – 43%, and for women only 12%. 60.4% of the victims of offenders (men and women) were men, 37% – women and 2.6% – children of both sexes. Consideration of the age of homicide victims showed that the average age of victims was slightly higher than the average age of offenders, being on an average around 35 years (children excluded). Approximately 45% of the victims were given unfavourable references and in 45.5% of the cases the victims were in a state of insobriety at the time the crime was committed. The undoubtedly important role played by the victim in provoking of some of the homicides could not be examined in this work, due to the lack in appropriate records of more detailed characteristic traits of the victims and the lack of analysis of the circumstances preceding the murder.