Revista Conjuntura Austral

22-34

Authors: José Antonio Sanahuja, Camilo López Burian

This work argues that the new far-right, which we characterise as neo-patriotic, emerges through a combination of agency and structural factors amid a crisis of globalisation, understanding it as a crisis in the hegemonic order. The crisis of globalisation opens opportunities for the rise of a new far-right which redefines the popular, the national, and the international based on Schmittian friend-enemy distinctions, as an autonomous categorisation, which gives political meaning to their identity as a political actor. A key element of this identity is a reactionary internationalism based on the defence of tradition against cosmopolitan globalism. Thus, the reinstatement of a traditionalist “Arcadia” gives meaning to the process of re-politization and challenges to the liberal international order, its national, regional, and global dimensions, universalist and globalist discourse, and its teleologies of progress. In sum, these actors do not merely question globalisation as an established order but fight for the construction of an alternative international order of a reactionary type.

51-62

Authors: Pablo Nemiña, Julián Echandi

From the mid-1990s to the present, the dominant global social policy paradigm shifted from the Social Safety Net to the Social Protection Floor. The objective of this article is to analyse the political process of transformation of global social policy promoted by multilateral organizations. Based on a qualitative methodology, centred on documentary analysis, it is proposed that each paradigm of social policy is linked to the postulates of the current development model. While during the Washington Consensus wave the World Bank promoted the Social Safety Net, understood as focused and exceptional social policies in the face of optimism in market solutions; following the 2008 financial crisis, and inspired by the experience of conditional cash transfers in Latin America, the ILO promotes the Social Protection Floor, which includes a broader, quasi-universal and rights-based approach to social policy. However, the Bretton Woods twins embraced this paradigm less vigorously

74-86

Authors: Alejandro Angel

Chinese credits became a viable, and preferred, alternative during the pink tide in part because it lacked traditional conditionality clauses. However, these financial operations, as well as others, often imply the existence of cross-conditionality. In opposition to traditional variants of conditionality, cross-conditionality implies that operations in the realms of trade, finance, or aid for development can be jeopardized as a response to decisions taken by national authorities that change previously agreed conditions in parallel projects. The main objective of this study is to explore the possible consequences of cross-conditionality, particularly the political consequences, in the Brazilian government’s coalition building. The hypothesis is that cross-conditionality represents a similar risk than the one that traditional conditionality represented in terms of national autonomy insofar as national governments would still have their hands tied, although for different reasons. We find that cross-conditionality affects the coalition-building efforts of national governments since it can be used to affect key government partners. In Brazil, agribusiness, a key partner of Bolsonaro’s government, is the sector that could be potentially affected if the Chinese government decides to implement cross-conditionality as a retaliatory measure to hostile policies or declarations of the Brazilian government vis-à-vis Chinese interests.

100-103

Authors: Joseph Marques

This review essay examines three books written by senior former Obama administration members - Susan Rice, Samantha Power, and Ben Rhodes. It highlights how the authors manage to present many of the Obama administration's internal debates, as well as reveal the limitations of its foreign policy.